Controversy Unlimited: The Spirit of 2000 (I) Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/20/2009 8:29:10 PM - Political Blogs
 Firstly, let me establish the fact that I am grateful to my party for giving me the opportunity to be one of three people who have mastered the art of predicting the outcomes of NPP congresses based on a formula crafted in 1998 and perfected since then. This is the reason why I have always been able to publicly state the outcome of internal contests of the NPP with such unreserved confidence. It is this formula that made me say Mac Manu would become National Chairman after Haruna Esseku, or that Akufo-Addo would be the NPP flag bearer in 2007 and more recently, that the opponents of an expanded party electorate would go back from Trade Fair Center with crocodile egg yolks cascading down their sweaty chins. Free prediction? Akufo-Addo shall once again sweep the votes for the flag bearer position so resoundingly that it will take another generation to beat the record he is about to set. I shall not discuss or proffer my reasons, lest some ambitious sidekick screams “Eureka” and with that, provide the NPP's political opponents with the presence of mind to undermine the pivot around which the increasingly unavoidable victory of 2012 shall be recorded in the annals of this country's history. The reality accompanying the above however is also that, the National Democratic Congress, despite all its good intentioned intentions is basking in the sorry glow of a swan dance calculated at petrifying itself and guaranteeing a quick recess into the pits of political opposition. No political entity in Ghana, since the days of Kofi Nwiah the schemer to the crafty self-declared apostle of peace, has ever recorded such a rapid depreciation of political goodwill than the current wielders of political power in this country. The NPP for example, dissipated its goodwill fully in the aftermath of its flag bearer contest when some “miscalculations” sent the wrong signals to the electorate that although a good candidate had been chosen, those with whom he was to wage battle against the NDC in opposition as it then was, were indeed disunited in their resolve. The Ghanaian electorate is a very complex one and yet, nothing puts it off than bickering siblings. The NDC less than a year after being handed the reins of power, is radiating dissonance, copious amounts of it from within its ranks with sprees of calculated pissing ins and outs without let or hindrance, almost as if elders are finished in their party and maybe, indirectly daring the founder to “go to hell”. The concomitant result of all that is to lose such hope, cautious optimism and promise of a new day in less than 10 lunar months, itself frightfully pathetic, especially when those tenets of expectation have been thoroughly replaced by uncertainty, despondency, gloom and despair within its rank and file. I sincerely think the NDC does not deserve what is happening to it, but the question remains: what role is the NDC as a party and its agents, assigns and collaborators playing in the sounding of its own death knell? Perhaps those who hitherto doubled as their think-tanks but who now for fear of the unknown want to have access to the spoils of victory in case of rainy days may do well to spend some of their time coming out with quick solutions to the increasing hopelessness instead of discussing ways to halt Mrs. Rawlings' ambitions for truly she shall win the slot on the Vice Chairmanship position even if all the Sefwi Ninjas join hands with the Dzelukope in-laws to attempt to thwart her ambitions. As for Madam, me I like her waaa and I know she would be the “Chuuby Checker” that 'fronting men' like Bature are so scared shitless of. That is their own self-created “nightmare scenario” that I think the NDC must start learning to live with. So what about the NPP? For the first time in my one score and so many years, I am unable to predict the outcome of the National Executive contest. I am unable to do so not because I have lost the ability to ascertain, but because there is going to be very major disappointments. Many of the “big names” that have come up will be so painfully disappointed in ways that will test their commitment to the Danquah-Busia tradition. I guess what I have just done is a prediction, not so? While at it let me put it on record that the outcome of the national executive contest will require dexterous handling of egos and camaraderie in order for the “mixed slates” that shall emerge to work harmoniously. No single bloc, faction or slate shall attain a hundred percent success for sure; neither will people with unproven track records of loyal and dedicated service to the party find themselves in the boardroom as national executives. If a contestant happens to have had a track record in the past which is deemed by the amazingly smart expanded electorate to be irrelevant to the contest of political wills in 2012, that contestant better start selling a more convincing message, other than the recycled old widow's fables that are no longer welcome even in fringe flights of nostalgic fantasy. The new polling station executives are displaying an awesome understanding of what it will take to make the ordinary Ghanaian swing the votes in favour of the NPP in 2012. Titles are no longer relevant in their mind, the same way as a closeness or affinity to this or that person is moribund in their calculation. Which brings me to the issue of the invocation of names: sometimes, some people think voters and by that the NPP's electorate, lacks wisdom. When I wrote my “death piece” in May of 2007 in Danquah's name, I stated that the NPP delegate is the most sophisticated political animal I have encountered in my life. The NPP delegate is the only living being who can look 17 people in the eye and tell them all that they will win without batting an eyelid. Now, we have over 100,000 delegates of even higher standards so your guess is as good as mine. Those who are going around claiming that they are Akufo-Addo's man/woman better watch out, for the delegates are not fools. They know those who for want of a position claim to be Akufo-Addo's man/woman, so also do they know those who are trying to pull a fast one on them. Those who are going around claiming “I secretly supported Alan but didn't want the others to know” must also think delegates are idiots: Why would you, for want of a position, create the impression that there is a rift between Alan Kyerematen and Nana Akufo-Addo, if not to further a parochial and myopically miniscule ambition? I have always maintained that to the best of my knowledge, the so-called rift between Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyerematen is a figment of the imagination of those who do not understand modern day politics. There are indeed people who feed fat on rifts, blocs and rivalries real or imagined, the same way that there are those who would quickly checkmate any machinations emanating from the camps of parochial thinking when the interests of the collective are at stake. This is why it would be inadequate to go invoking the names of either of the NPP's immediate past flag bearer contestants. I think it is a self-defeating exercise for in all truth, the dynamics of each constituency and their expectations of leadership at the national level are such that a resurrection of those illusionary differences will not work. In any case, the two most popular persons in the NPP today and for a very long time to come, will be former President John Kufuor, Primus Inter Pares and Nana Akufo-Addo; after all, are they not the only people who have tasted both victory and defeat at any level of intra and inter party elections in Ghana as far as the Danquah-Busia tradition is concerned? When John Kufuor and Akufo-Addo locked horns in Sunyani in 1998, candidate Kufuor as he then was, emerged victorious with 64.8% while Akufo-Addo came second with 31.6%, clearly demonstrating their control of a whopping 96.4% of the party. Conversely, Akufo-Addo emerged from Legon with 47.97% with Alan Kyerematen scoring 32.30%, a combination of which gives them 80.27% of the party. As is common knowledge, Kyerematen gained that level largely because of a perceived support of Kufuor so that his real level of popularity has not really been tested yet. My personal position, based on our party perception index is that Alan Kyerematen would have garnered 258 votes on his own at Legon, had it not been for some “external aid” from above. Akufo-Addo on the other hand, hit the 49.77% mark in the national elections so that even on the basis of common-sensical analysis, invocation of his name for a contest is more likely to bear positive results for some. Yet, there are also people who may not be known supporters of Akufo-Addo but who have what it takes to get the job done. It is for this reason that delegates will make loyalty subservient to ability to deliver, thereby reinforcing the notion and process of stronger unity at all levels in the reorganization of the NPP. The spirit of 2000 has started stirring, in ways that are reminiscent of what happened at Pearl Harbour on December 7, 1941. From all indications, nothing can stop it, unless someone exercises a “Sampson Option” in the NPP in ways that would decimate the hope that the good people of Ghana have started reposing in the NPP in opposition even as they see the ruling party behaving like a freshly beheaded chicken, spluttering and sputtering all over the place in amazing sequences of classic faux pas that anyone would have thought 8 years in opposition would have extinguished from their outlook. As it has turned out, even the so-called persona of the President that my brother Pratt claims is the only lifeline sustaining the NDC has become questionable for if a self-award of a 'modest' 80% is what he conferred on himself in just a 100 days, I humbly ask what the rate is 10 months down the line, now that the whole nation is operating under the influence of some twinkle twinkle major flicks of the national electricity switchboard. We are indeed back to the year 2000, faster than anyone imagined and now that we know for a fact that no oil is coming before 2012, now that the real owners of the NDC are taking back their party to make it what they want it to be, now that the NPP electorate is ready to say “go way you” to those NPP aspirants who want all others to be their public ego masseurs, now that John Kufuor is clearly on a charm offensive to rally his forces in support of the party he has served, the country he led and a people he adored, I say let the games begin, let good sense prevail and let us ask the good people of Ghana what sort of future they honestly desire: social democracy without anything social or property-ownership with an abundance of social interventions. Till we meet again next week to delve into the intricacies of the NPP and institutionalized (mis)conceptions about aspirants, the 1979 imbroglio and my very own December 2009 “casualty list”, Jehovah-Ori keep you with His light in these days of electrically darkened cluelessness. TB Joshua Talks on Adeboye’s Jet Mike Lathbridge on 11/20/2009 7:13:51 AM - Religion Blogs
 Today, we bring you the conclusion of our interview with Prophet T.B. Joshua, the controversial founder of The Synagogue Church of All Nations. He speaks on the misunderstanding between him and some evangelical and Pentecostal leaders in Nigeria. He also reacts to the trend of church leaders in Nigeria owning planes. He was asked one Satanic question: Have you cheated on your wife? Excerpts: Pastor Adeboye said he would not worship in your church. How do you react to such a statement? I want to say something. Everybody makes mistake. Everybody. That's all. Perfection eludes everyone. So, for me personally, I respect integrity. Look at me here. Even if you don't look at me, look at the so many people of different calibre that believe in what I am doing here. So also, Baba Adeboye has so many people, people that matter in the society that believe in what he is doing, what God is using him for. So if I now open my mouth and begin to speak to such a man, I think it's uncalled for. It's unnecessary. It's not Christ-like. I am not speaking to him, but I am speaking to people that believe in him. I am brought up from a home where we are taught to respect elders. We were taught not to speak against elders, even if elders speak against you. And in the same home too, we were taught that elders should not speak also against the young. Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, President of Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, said you should first of all show him who pastured you before they could consider admitting you into their membership. Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor As a point of correction, I never applied to be a member of any association. Okay? So that is a point of correction. Two, the way and manner God executes His plan in our lives differ. Some He brought them from this direction, some from another direction, some He allowed to go to Theology school, some He allowed them to go to the university, (and) they may not even go to Theology school. After graduation, they would become whatever God wants them to become. Some, they may not even go to school at all. There is the University of God where you would not be promoted, no matter how brilliant you are, until you take every course. Do you understand me? Prophet TB Joshua - In The University of God, however brilliant you may be, you will not be given double promotion. You must take every course, because each course serves a purpose. You are saying in effect that maybe they are looking down on what you are doing, because you didn't pass through the formal process they passed through. Do you say you understood what I said? I told you that the way and manner God executes His plans in our lives differ. Okay? The direction that God would take you through and when we all become pastors, sometimes God would send some to local level, God send some people to national level, God send some people to minister to the whites and some, their anointing cannot pass beyond the black. Some God sent them to minister to presidents and kings. The way and manner God called us differs. That is why we should not compare ourselves with others. And that is why we should not be measuring ourselves to ourselves. In the process of building this big institution, have you made mistakes? You see, everybody has dry pits. And also, everybody has his prison condition. Also, everybody has his Potiphar's house. So that is my answer in the form of a parable. Let me tell you something: When you wake up in the morning and you discover your hand is free, your leg is free, you are okay, that may likely not encourage you to watch and pray the more. Problems make us to pray more and fast the more. Difficulty makes us to pray and fast the more. And, weakness also… Look at Paul, the Apostle. Three times he came to God. He said: “Lord, this is a thorn in my flesh.” The Lord said to him: “My grace is sufficient for you.” There is reason for that. God used that to preserve him from becoming too proud and begin to see himself that 'I am this, I am that'. When you look back, are there areas in your spiritual journey that you didn't do well and you feel like correcting? I am not God. I am a servant. And a servant looks unto perfection. God is perfection. So that is it. You are not making effort to make peace with the other ministers so that there would be no question of T.B. Joshua is not this, T.B. Joshua is not that. Didn't the Bible say you should pursue peace? If I can give you the audience I am giving you now – this is a wonderful atmosphere. That is my nature. I love everyone. But I trust only God. How do you feel over the contempt people have for you? The fact that they don't speak well of you and they say you don't belong to their fold. Can I ask you a question? If we remove what is not made in Nigeria from your body, you would remain naked. If I say okay, 'Give me those things on you that is not made in Nigeria', and you would find yourself naked. So, what are we talking about? Meaning what? That is a parable. Put it in the paper like that. What I am saying is that a prophet is not honoured in his hometown. And because you are not honoured in your home, that has nothing to do with the anointing of God. That does not mean you are not honoured. What is the central focus of your ministry? What is your message? Salvation. Salvation is the house and when you open the house, you can now see healing, you would see blessing, you would see prosperity. If anybody now begins to ask for healing, healing, healing, it's like you want God to just give you fridge in the house. What of the whole house? One of the accusations against you is that you are making yourself God, that you are not submitting yourself to Jesus, that the reason you are called Emmanuel is like you are God Himself. No, Emmanuel is in the Bible. Emmanuel means 'God is with us'. That's our greeting. Like many churches would say 'Hallelujah' or 'Hosanna'. So what is bad about that? You have been here over an hour now – do you see any of that? That is it. That is why you should go and tell the world that this is what you heard and this is what you have seen. How can anybody now see himself as the Master Jesus when all the healing, deliverance, salvation are not brought to pass by anything we have done, except by His name. He who glories must not glory in himself, but in the Lord. So that is it. It appears that all is of grace because all our spiritual advantages are from God. Our faith, our conversion, our eternal salvation are not the product of any natural gift or any natural ability. So no man should boast. It's blasphemy for anybody to say he is Jesus. If anybody calls himself Jesus, that person is not normal – he is mental. Who is your own father in the Lord or mentor? When we talk of mentor, we mean someone you want to be like or someone you believe you have gained from. After reading my Bible, I give a total salute to Paul, the Apostle, what God wrought through him after his deliverance. Peter and Paul, the Apostle. But I pray for all the ministers of God. They are all my mentors. Okay? How has not going to a university impacted you? When there is the University of Jesus… you know Jesus has a university. That is where you can receive His message in your heart. But if you did not attend His university, you cannot receive His message in your heart. While in the other universities you receive the message in your ears, in the University of Jesus, you receive the message in your heart. What differentiates The Synagogue from any other church? There is no difference. Whatever happens here in terms of miracles, in terms of salvation – what you are seeing, there is no difference. God is the God of these fingers. Look at these fingers, they are not equal. Look at it. Prophet TB Joshua - The way and manner God executes His plans in our lives differs What differentiates you from other preachers? Nothing. Nothing differentiates me. Rather, I want to tell you that no matter the level that one reaches, there is always another level to reach. Your critics say if you pass a place, people would rush and go and touch the sand and all that. What is the symbolism of all that? We have said it here that God can use any medium. When we look at what happened in the book of Act 19: 11, it says God wrought extraordinary miracles through Paul. Anything that had contact with him were taken to the sick and they were all healed. Are you a misunderstood man? I am a tenant. If the landlord was misunderstood, what's my position? I am a servant. The head of the house was misunderstood. What people do not understand, they call names. But what they understand they destroy. Are you an underrated man? Soul has nothing to do with high people. It is all about a regenerate soul. A regenerate sinner becomes a living soul. So forget about having a big church or whatnot. When you talk about soul, it is not about big, big people. When I look at the size of your church and the fact that it is still growing, I begin to ask: Is it not possible your vision has become too small for the size of the ministry? In other words, five years from now, can this place contain you? We have branches all in different countries. Our church is one of the biggest churches in Greece. And I think the one God has established here, we need to have the same size all over the world. It is not that important that it should expand, making it for all Nigerians to come here. No. This is my mission. Like I have told you, the way and manner God executes His plans in our life differs. If I don't have branches all over Nigeria and I have branches in other countries – that is the way God wants it. Already, you are running two shifts. Which means if you grow some more, you might have to run more shifts. Where will your people park and so on? When the situation is such that I would be running three services, then it is better I establish in other countries like say Ghana. People can come there. Eighty percent of my members are not from Nigeria. And anywhere that honey is, insects seek it and find it. What is the honey here? It is the anointing; the anointing of God. How did you meet you beautiful wife? I think she would be in the position to grant you an interview. She is such a wonderful woman. You too know that behind any man is a woman. No man can go it alone. I salute her. This woman, hmm, is a mother. When you say somebody is your mother, she's more than a wife. And I don't know the words. I am short of words to describe her. She is someone that amidst all the noise, noise, noise, she would just look. She's my counsellor, adviser. She would tell you: it's a matter of time. And you would never hear her voice. If this woman is not a good woman, I don't think you would find me in the situation I am today. Because, you cannot have problems out there and have problems in the house. Many that don't have problems in the outside, they have problems in the inside. And the problem inside is greater, is more powerful and is more dangerous than the outside. Where are your children? My children? They are there. How many? They are there. They are doing fine. That's why I have plenty children. You don't have biological children yet? I have biological children. How many? I have three. How many boys and how many girls? If I begin to say how many boys, how many girls, those who have no boy or have no girl might feel discouraged. As a minister of God, I shouldn't discourage anybody. If I begin to say I have so-so girls, I have so-so boys, those who do not have at all would feel discouraged. My words should be words of encouragement, to tell them that what a man can do, a woman can do it, and what a woman can do, a man can do. How do you feel not having a boy? Ah, ah, how do you come to the conclusion that I don't have a boy? As a man of God, can you look God in the face and admit you have not cheated on your wife? Let me tell you one thing about the situation. What is happening, you are seeing the level of understanding and the obedience in union between me and my wife. But you are a handsome man. Don't women tempt you? You say what? Don't you face temptation from women, a handsome man like you? Like I have said, if you are not tempted with money and you are not tempted with woman, and you are not tempted with pride…I want to tell you that God Almighty has been manifesting His strength in my weakness. For when I am weak, then I am strong. Thank you. Are you okay? (Laughs) How rich are you now? Mmmh, this is a question that I think if…I want to advise the whole world. And whatever you hear from me, take it. Because if I am telling you what I am not I am, God is there. Because as a servant of God, we cannot misinform the public. I am not a politician. I have to tell you. If I am telling you something now, you will hardly believe, but I want you to believe. In terms of cash, I am zero. When I have a hundred million today, I have one thousand five hundred people I have given scholarship. Leeds University alone in England, one person cost hundred thousand dollars. It is one of the best universities all over the world. And I have people all over. I can give you my account number to check. I am zero. But people look at me, I don't mind. My responsibility is so much that if I have trillion dollars today, I would not be able to save one dollar. It is not enough to care for the responsibility. Are you talking of dwarfs, widows, physically challenged, old age? When we leave here, I would take you to our store opposite here. It's full of rice. We have five trailers of rice we just brought. Every month, it's like that. And you know one trailer is five point three million naira. So I want to declare, I want to tell you today, you would find zero money in my accounts. But I am not owing banks and I am free from that. But I am just a zero. But my responsibility, God has been taking care of it. When are you going to buy your own jet? When I say I don't have cash…(laughs); when I say I don't have money, cash like this, where would I get money for plane? But I want to tell you something: there is nothing bad having a private jet. But the only condition I can have it, if God says I would have it, is for people to give me. And when you give me, you should also be ready to pay landing fee because I don't know how I would get it. But I want to tell you that if ministers of God have it, there is nothing bad about that. It aids the gospel. I tell you that our fathers that have it, there is nothing bad about that. The way and manner God executes His plans in our lives differs. Some ministers, God says: 'You, you would not have a private jet, I would send people to give you.' While some, God says: 'You, buy it, with your money.' Adeboye's Private Jet - Matters arising... I am not supporting those who are criticising the ownership of jets by men of God. It is true that there is difficulty in the society, there is poverty everywhere, but trial is the soil in which true ministers of God flourish. But I am not criticising because the way and manner God executes His plan in our lives differs. But as for me, Adeboye's Private Jet.... I know, that even every car I have there, there is no single one I used my money to buy. Since I started this ministry, there is never a day I have been able to gather money. If I have one dollar, one responsibility is there to take the dollar. If I have 20 dollars today, 200 people are waiting to take the 20 dollars. It's like having these things attract responsibility. I even say I don't want money because money brings responsibility. Are you planning to build a university? We put it before God and God says yes, He would give us the grace. But this university would be for the needy; those who are brilliant but cannot afford to go to university. And the physically challenged too. The university would be mainly for the needy whom we are giving the scholarship. But before that, let us send people overseas to attend university there or here. Let us see what we can do to make the existing one better and better. How do you explain your strategy of inviting heads of states to your church? It's you that know that they are heads of states. For me, a soul is a soul. Church is all about those who are being saved, not head of state. Why are you interested in Presidents? Do you have any message for Nigeria? My message is that it is high time we became a producing-nation, not a consumer-nation. If we know what it takes the producer that produces what you put on, you would know how you would care and how you would go about having plenty of it. And two, a producer sees whatever he does or whatever he gives as an assignment from God. Giving is an opportunity to reshape our destinies. When you are giving, you are reshaping your destiny. But mind you, what you give does not all that matter to God, but the way we give it. Did you ever meet President Obasanjo? President or no President, church is all about soul. Those who are being saved. It's we that know this one is President, that one is President. So, we pastors should talk about souls being saved more, not the calibre or the class of people. What are your success tips in life? The secret is, feel what others feel. Jesus feels what we feel. You begin to succeed with your life when the hurt and problem of others matter to you. So, this is the problem we are facing in this country. When we feel what others feel, the public fund, public money and when you are voted to a position, you would consider the people that brought you there. After 34 years 12 to be hanged for Bangabondhu murder Jahangir Akash on 11/20/2009 7:13:51 AM - News Blogs
 Bangabondhu's personal assistant Mohitul Islam, who had survived the attack by a gang of army officers on the night in August 15 of 1975, filed the case for the killings on October 2, 1996. On January 15, 1997, the charge sheet was filed against 20 living and four dead persons--Khandakar Moshtaque, Mahbubul Alam Chashi, Capt Mustafa and Risalder Sarwar. As all except the dead were brought to trial, the court examined 61 witnesses and heard submissions for 151 days. On November 8, 1998, the trial court handed death sentence to 15 of the 20 accused. On December 14, 2000, a two-member High Court bench gave a split verdict on the trial court's judgment: one judge upheld the death sentences of all 15 convicts while the other upheld that of 10. The judges were also divided on which section of the Code of Criminal Procedure to be followed for the death sentence of one convict. On April 30, 2001, a third judge of the High Court resolved the matter and finally gave death sentence to 12 killers. Of them, the following are now in jail: Lt Col Syed Farooq Rahman, Lt Col Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Maj Bazlul Huda, Maj (Lancer) AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed and Lt Col (Artillery) Mohiuddin Ahmed, who appealed with the Supreme Court against the High Court verdict. The six absconding are: Lt Col Khandaker Abdur Rashid, Lt Col Shariful Haque Dalim, Lt Col SHMB Nur Chowdhury, Lt Col AM Rashed Chowdhury, Capt Abdul Mazed and Risaldar Mosleuddin Khan. The other convict Lt Col Abdul Aziz Pasha died in Zimbabwe in June 2001 where he took political asylum. Of the jailed convicts, Huda was brought to Dhaka from Bangkok in 1998 while AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed was brought from USA during the last caretaker government's rule. The other three were arrested in Dhaka. Soon the convicts in jail filed leave-to-appeal petitions with the Supreme Court against the High Court verdict. But its hearing was stalled with the change in government in October 2001. After the BNP-led alliance government came to power, the Supreme Court did not hear the case even for a single day. The hearing of the leave-to-appeal petitions finally took place on August 7, 2007, and the appeals were granted on September 23 the same year.The hearing of the appeals against the High Court verdict began on October 5, 2009. The killers murdered Bangabondhu and seven of his family members and three security personnel at his Dhanmondi residence on August 15, 1975. Soon after the killing, their accomplice Khandaker Moshtaque took over power as president and framed an indemnity ordinance to protect the killers. Later, subsequent military governments led by General Ziaur Rahman and General HM Ershad had rewarded the killers with various diplomatic posts. The High Court on December 14, 2000 delivered a split verdict in the case. Justice M Ruhul Amin, the senior judge of the High Court bench, upheld the death sentences of 10 convicts while the other judge, ABM Khairul Haque, retained the death sentences for all the 15. Justice Fazlul Karim in the final High Court verdict in the case on April 30, 2001 upheld death sentences for 12 and acquitted three. The Appellate Division bench of Justice Tafazzul Islam, Justice Joynul Abedin and Justice M Hassan Ameen on September 23, 2007 allowed the five death-row convicts to appeal against the High Court verdict, delivered in 2001, on five points. The army men sentenced by the sessions judge to death are Syed Faruque Rahman, Sultan Shahriar Rashid Chowdhury, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Khandaker Abdur Rashid, Bazlul Huda, Shariful Huq Dalim, Ahmed Shaful Hossain also named as Shariful Islam, Rashed Chowdhury, AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed, Nur Chowdhury, Md Aziz Pasha, who died after he had been sentenced, Md Kismat Hashem, Nazmul Hossain Anseri, Abdul Mazed and Moslemuddin. Shariful, Kismat and Nazmul were acquitted of the charges by the final High Court verdict. The government, however, did not file any appeal against the acquittal. Faruque, Shahriar, Muhiuddin Ahmed and Bazlul, who were in jail at the time, filed petitions with the Appellate Division seeking permission to appeal against the verdict. AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed filed a similar petition after the US government had deported him to Bangladesh from Los Angeles on June 17, 2007. We should demand trial to General Zia and General Ershad. These two General has responsible for their activity after the killings of Bangabondhu to given prizes and promotion to the killers of Bangabondhu. Now nation is waiting to see the trial of war criminals. Bangabondhu and Bangladesh The life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the saga of a great leader turning peoplepower into an armed struggle that liberated a nation and created the world's ninth most populous state. The birth of the sovereign state of Bangladesh in December 1971, after a heroic war of nine months against the Pakistani colonial rule, was the triumph of his faith in the destiny of his people. Sheikh Mujib, endearingly called Bangabandhu or friend of Bangladesh, rose from the people, molded their hopes and aspirations into a dream and staked his life in the long battle for making it real. He was a true democrat, and he employed in his struggle for securing justice and fairplay for the Bengalees only democratic and constitutional weapons until the last moment. It is no accident of history that in an age of military coup d'etat and 'strong men', Sheikh Mujib attained power through elections and mass movement and that in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the least developed countries of Asia. Declaration of independence: The violence unleashed by the Pakistani forces on 25 March 1971, proved the last straw to the efforts to negotiate a settlement. Following these outrages, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed an official declaration that read: Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night, West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between E.P.R. and Police on the one hand and the armed forces of Pakistan on the other are going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh. May Allah aid us in our fight for freedom? Joy Bangla. Sheikh Mujib also called upon the people to resist the occupation forces through a radio message.Mujib was arrested on the night of 25–26 March 1971 at about 1:30 a.m. (as per Radio Pakistans news on 29 March 1971). A telegram containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahmans declaration reached some students in Chittagong. The message was translated to Bangla by Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed to secure permission from higher authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby Agrabad Station of Radio Pakistan. They crossed Kalurghat Bridge into an area controlled by an East Bengal Regiment under Major Ziaur Rahman. Bengali soldiers guarded the station as engineers prepared for transmission. At 19:45 hrs on 27 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast another announcement of the declaration of independence on behalf of our great national leader Sheikh Mujibur which is as follows. This is Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of Bangobondhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent Peoples Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our Motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours. Joy Bangla. The Kalurghat Radio Stations transmission capability was limited. The message was picked up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later by the British Broadcasting Corporation. M A Hannan, an Awami League leader from Chittagong, is said to have made the first announcement of the declaration of independence over the radio on 26 March 1971[40]. There is controversy now as to when Major Zia gave his speech. BNP sources maintain that it was 26 March, and there was no message regarding declaration of independence from Mujibur Rahman. Pakistani sources, like Siddiq Salik in Witness to Surrender had written that he heard about Mujibor Rahmans message on the Radio while Operation Searchlight was going on, and Maj. Gen. Hakeem A. Qureshi in his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: a Soldiers Narrative, gives the date of Zias speech as 27 March 1971. 26 March 1971 is considered the official Independence Day of Bangladesh, and the name Bangladesh was in effect henceforth. In July 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi openly referred to the former East Pakistan as Bangladesh. Some Pakistani and Indian officials continued to use the name "East Pakistan" until 16 December 1971. Background: The Partition of India gave birth to two new states named India and PakistanIn August 1947. Areas containing the Muslim-majority became Pakistan while areas with Hindu majority states became India. The new nation of Pakistan included two geographically and culturally separate areas in the east and the west of India. The western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West Pakistan and the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East Pakistan. It was widely perceived that West Pakistan dominated politically and exploited the East economically, leading to many grievances. On the 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight. The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forces led to East Pakistan declaring its independence as the state of Bangladesh and to the start of civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million) flooding into the eastern provinces of India. Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organizing the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.West Pakistan (consisting of four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province) dominated the divided country politically and received more money from the common budget than the more populous East. Year Spending on West Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Spending on East Pakistan (in crore Rupees) Amount spent on East as percentage of West 1950–55 1,129 524 46.4 1955–60 1,655 524 31.7 1960–65 3,355 1,404 41.8 1965–70 5,195 2,141 41.2 Total 11,334 4,593 40.5 Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970-75, Vol. I, published by the planning commission of Pakistan (Quick reference: crore = 107, or 10 million) Although East Pakistan accounted for a majority of the country's population (14), political power remained firmly in the hands of West Pakistanis, specifically the Punjabis. Since a straightforward system of representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan, the West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West Pakistan was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wings votes. Ironically, after the East broke away to form Bangladesh, the Punjab province insisted that politics in West Pakistan now be decided on the basis of a straightforward vote, since Punjabis were more numerous than the other groups, such as Sindhis, Pashtuns, or Balochs. After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistans first prime minister, in 1951, political power began to be concentrated in the President of Pakistan, and eventually, the military. The nominal elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through the President. East Pakistanis noticed that whenever one of them, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, they were swiftly deposed by the largely West Pakistani establishment. The military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25 March 1969 – 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis, only heightened such feelings. The situation reached a climax when in 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a Sindhi), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the "one unit scheme". Bhutto also refused to accept Rahmans Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the two leaders of the two wings along with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dhaka to decide the fate of the country. Talks failed. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a nation-wide strike. On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered a speech at the Racecourse Ground (now called the Suhrawardy Udyan). In this speech he mentioned a further four-point condition to consider the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March: 1. The immediate lifting of martial law. 2. Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks. 3. An inquiry into the loss of life. 4. Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of the people before the assembly meeting 25 March. He urged "his people" to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying, "Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for their independence. General Tikka Khan was flown in to Dhaka to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges, including Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in. Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes to urgently fly "Government Passengers" to Dhaka. These "Government Passengers" were almost all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistani Navy, carrying ammunition and soldiers, was harbored in Chittagong Port and the Bengali workers and sailors at the port refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands to fire on Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny of Bengali soldiers. Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan military. Officers of Bengali origin in the different wings of the armed forces made up just 5% of overall force by 1965; of these, only a few were in command positions, with the majority in technical or administrative posts. West Pakistanis believed that Bengalis were not "martially inclined" unlike Pashtuns and Punjabis; the "martial races" notion was dismissed as ridiculous and humiliating by Bengalis.[15] Moreover, despite huge defense spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as contracts, purchasing and military support jobs. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir also highlighted the sense of military insecurity among Bengalis as only an under-strength infantry division and 15 combat aircraft without tank support were in East Pakistan to thwart any Indian retaliation during the conflict. A planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army — codenamed Operation Searchlight — started on 25 March to curb the Bengali nationalist movement by taking control of the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within one month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from East Pakistan. The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid-May. The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. These systematic killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East Pakistan later in the same year. The international media and reference books in English have published casualty figures which vary greatly, from 5,000–35,000 in Dhaka, and 200,000–3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole. According to the Asia Times, “At a meeting of the military top brass, Yahya Khan declared: "Kill 3 million of them and the rest will eat out of our hands." Accordingly, on the night of 25 March, the Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight to "crush" Bengali resistance in which Bengali members of military services were disarmed and killed, students and the intelligentsia systematically liquidated and able-bodied Bengali males just picked up and gunned down.” Although the violence focused on the provincial capital, Dhaka, it also affected all parts of East Pakistan. Residential halls of the University of Dhaka were particularly targeted. The only Hindu residential hall — the Jagannath Hall — was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an estimated 600 to 700 of its residents were murdered. The Pakistani army denies any cold blooded killings at the university, though the Hamood-ur-Rehman commission in Pakistan concluded that overwhelming force was used at the university. This fact and the massacre at Jagannath Hall and nearby student dormitories of Dhaka University are corroborated by a videotape secretly filmed by Prof. Nurul Ullah of the East Pakistan Engineering University, whose residence was directly opposite the student dormitories. Hindu areas suffered particularly heavy blows. By midnight, Dhaka was literally burning; especially the Hindu dominated eastern part of the city. Time magazine reported on 2 August 1971, "The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Pakistani military hatred." Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by the Pakistani Army. Yahya Khan appointed Brigadier (later General) Rahimuddin Khan to preside over a special tribunal prosecuting Mujib with multiple charges. The tribunal sentenced Mujib to death, but Yahya caused the verdict to be held in abeyance. Other Awami League leaders were arrested as well, while a few fled Dhaka to avoid arrest. The Awami League was banned by General Yahya Khan. Leaflets and pamphlets played an important role in driving public opinion during the war. At first resistance was spontaneous and disorganized, and was not expected to be prolonged. But when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, resistance grew. The Mukti Bahini became increasingly active. The Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground "Bangladesh army". These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry with supplies from India. Pakistan responded by airlifting in two infantry divisions and reorganizing their forces. They also raised paramilitary forces of Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams (who were mostly members of Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis who opposed independence, and Bihari Muslims who had settled during the time of partition. The Bangladesh government-in-exile was formed on 17 April at Mujib Nagar. Bangladesh Forces command reorganization and reinforcement conference on known as the Sector Commanders Conference 1971 11 July - 17th July was presided over by Prime Minister Tajuddin and Gen. Osmani. This conference was significant for shaping and organizing the freedom struggle. The official creation of Bangladesh Forces, its command structuring, sector reorganization, reinforcement and appointing war commanders was its principal focus. Colonel Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani received his promotion to General and reinstated from retirement as active duty into the armed forces of Bangladesh as its senior most official. Principal participants of this conference were Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan, Major Ziaur Rahman, Wing Commander Bashar, Major Jalil, Captain Haider, Lt. Col. Abdur Rab and Group Captain A.K. Khandaker. Lt. Col. Rab was appointed as Chief of Bangladesh Army Staff and Group Captain Karim Khandaker as Osmanis deputy and later Chief of Air Staff Bangladesh Air Force. In this meeting, Bangladesh was divided into Eleven Sectors under Sector Commanders. Each sector was further structured into a combination of sub-sectors, each commanded by a Sub-Sector Commander. The 10th Sector was directly placed under the Commander in Chief and included the Naval Commandos as the C-in-Cs special force. These commandos were later absorbed into the Bangladesh Navy. Sector Commanders directed the guerrilla warfare against West Pakistani forces. For better efficiency in military operations each of the sectors were divided into a number of sub-sectors. Bangladesh was divided into Eleven Sectors each with a sector commander chosen from defected officers of Pakistan army who joined the Bangladesh Forces under General M A G Osmani to conduct guerrilla operations and train fighters. Most of their training camps were situated near the border area and were operated with measured assistance from India. The 10th Sector was directly placed under Commander in Chief (C-in-C) and included the Naval Commandos and C-in-Cs special force. Three brigades (11 Battalions) were raised for conventional warfare; a large guerrilla force (estimated 100,000) was trained. Guerrilla operations, which slackened during the training phase, picked up after August. Economic and military targets in Dhaka were attacked. The major success story was Operation Jackpot, in which naval commandos mined and blew up berthed ships in Chittagong on 16 August1971. Pakistani reprisals claimed lives of thousands of civilians. The Indian army took over supplying the Mukti Bahini from the BSF. They organized six sectors for supplying the Bangladesh forces. Bangladesh conventional forces attacked border outposts. Kamalpur, Belonia and Battle of Boyra are a few examples. 90 out of 370 BOPs fell to Bengali forces. Guerrilla attacks intensified, as did Pakistani and Razakar reprisals on civilian populations. Pakistani forces were reinforced by eight battalions from West Pakistan. The Bangladeshi independence fighters even managed to temporarily capture airstrips at Lalmonirhat and Shalutikar. Both of these were used for flying in supplies and arms from India. Pakistan sent 5 battalions from West Pakistan as reinforcements. Indian involvement: Wary of the growing involvement of India, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched a pre-emptive strike on India. The attack was modeled on the Operation Focus employed by Israel Air Force during the Six-Day War. However, the plan failed to achieve the desired success and was seen as an open act of unprovoked aggression against the Indians. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared war on Pakistan and in aid of the Mukti Bahini, then ordered the immediate mobilization of troops and launched the full-scale invasion. This marked the official start of the Indo-Pakistani War. Three Indian corps was involved in the invasion of East Pakistan. They were supported by nearly three brigades of Mukti Bahini fighting alongside them, and many more fighting irregularly. This was far superior to the Pakistani army of three divisions. The Indians quickly overran the country, bypassing heavily defended strongholds. Pakistani forces were unable to effectively counter the Indian attack, as they had been deployed in small units around the border to counter guerrilla attacks by the Mukti Bahini. Unable to defend Dhaka, the Pakistanis surrendered on 16 December1971. The speed of the Indian strategy can be gauged by the fact that one of the regiments of Indian army fought the liberation war along the Jessore and Khulna axis. They were newly converted to a mechanized regiment and it took them just 1 week to reach Khulna after capturing Jessore. Their losses were limited to just 2 newly acquired APCs (SKOT) from the Russians. Indian Army's T-55 tanks on their way to Dhaka. India's military intervention played a crucial role in turning the tide in favor of the Bangladeshi rebels. India's external intelligence agency, the R&AW, played a crucial role in providing logistic support to the Mukti Bahini during the initial stages of the war. R&AWs operations, in then-East Pakistan, were the largest covert operation in the history of South Asia. Pakistan launched a number of armored thrusts along India's western front in attempts to force Indian troops away from East Pakistan. Pakistan tried to fight back and boost the sagging morale by incorporating the Special Services Group commandos in sabotage and rescue missions. This, however, could not stop the juggernaut of the advancing columns, whose speed and power were too much to contain for the Pakistani Army. The Indian Air Force carried out several sorties against Pakistan, and within a week, IAF aircraft dominated the skies of East Pakistan. It total air by the end of the first week as the entire Pakistani air contingent in the east, PAF No.14 Squadron, was grounded due to Indian airstrikes at Tejgaon, Kurmitolla, Lal Munir Hat and Shamsher Nagar. Sea Hawks from INS Vikrant also struck Chittagong, Barisal and Coxs Bazar, destroying the eastern wing of the Pakistan Navy and effectively blockading the East Pakistan ports, thereby cutting off any escape routes for the stranded Pakistani soldiers. The nascent Bangladesh Navy (comprising officers and sailors who defected from Pakistani Navy) aided the Indians in the marine warfare, carrying out attacks, most notably Operation Jackpot. On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen A. A. K. Niazi, CO of Pakistan Army forces located in East Pakistan signed the instrument of surrender. At the time of surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic recognition to the new nation. Bangladesh sought admission in the UN with most voting in its favor, but China vetoed this as Pakistan was its key ally. However, the United States was one of the last nations to accord Bangladesh recognition. To ensure a smooth transition, in 1972 the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan. The treaty ensured that Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh in exchange for the return of the Pakistani PoWs. India treated all the PoWs in strict accordance with the Geneva Convention, rule 1925. It released more than 90,000 Pakistani PoWs in five months. Further, as a gesture of goodwill, nearly 200 soldiers who were sought for war crimes by Bengalis were also pardoned by India. The accord also gave back more than 13,000 km of land that Indian troops had seized in West Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas; most notably Kargil (which would in turn again be the focal point for a war between the two nations in 1999). This was done as a measure of promoting "lasting peace" and was acknowledged by many observers as a sign of maturity by India. But some in India felt that the treaty had been too lenient to Bhutto, who had pleaded for leniency, arguing that the fragile democracy in Pakistan would crumble if the accord was perceived as being overly harsh by Pakistanis. Short life history of Bangobondhu: Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in a respectable Muslim Family on 17 March, 1920, in Tungipara village under the then Gopalganj subdivision (at present district) of Faridpur district. He was the third child among four daughters and two sons of Sheikh Lutfar Rahman and Sheikh Shahara Khatun. His parents used to call him Khoka out of affection. Bangabandhu spent his childhood in Tungipara. At the age of seven, Bangabandhu began his schooling at Gimadanga Primary School. At nine, he was admitted to class three at Gopalganj Public School. Subsequently, he was transferred to a local Missionary School. In 1934, Bangabandhu was forced to go for a break of study when, at the age of fourteen, one of his eyes had to be operated on. In 1938, At eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatunnesa. They later became the happy parents of two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, and three sons, Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel. All the sons were to be killed along with their parents on 15 August, 1975. In 1939, Bangabandhu's political career was effectively inaugurated while he was a student at Gopalganj Missionary School. He led a group of students to demand that the cracked roof of the school be repaired when Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq, Chief Minister of Undivided Bengal, came to visit the school along with Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy. In 1940, Sheikh Mujib joined the Nikhil Bharat Muslim Chhatra Federation (All India Muslim Students Federation). He was elected Councilor for a one-year term. In 1942, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman passed the Entrance (currently Secondary School Certificate) Examination. He then took admission as an Intermediate student in the humanities faculty of Calcutta Islamia College, where he had lodgings at Baker Hostel. The same year Bangabandhu got actively involved with the movement for the creation of Pakistan. In 1943, Sheikh Mujib's busy active political career took off in the literal sense with his election as a Councilor of the Muslim League. In 1944, Bangabandhu took part in the conference of the all Bengal Muslim Students League held in Kushtia, where he played an important role. He was elected Secretary of Faridpur District Association, a Calcutta-based organization of the residents of Faridpur. In 1946, Sheikh Mujib was elected General Secretary of Islamia College Students Union. In 1947, Bangabandhu obtained Bachelor of Arts degree from Islamia College under Calcutta University. When communal riots broke out in the wake of the partition of India and the birth of Pakistan, Bangabandhu played a pioneering role in protecting Muslims and trying to contain the violence. In 1948, Bangabandhu took admission in the Law Department of Dhaka University. He founded the Muslim Students League on 4 January. He rose in spontaneous protest on 23 February when Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in his speech at the Legislative Assembly declared: “The people of East Pakistan will accept Urdu as their state Language". Khwaja Nazimuddins's remarks touched off a storm of protest across the country. Sheikh Mujib immediately plunged in hectic activities to build a strong movement against the muslim League's premeditated, heinous design to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. He established contacts with students and political leaders. On 2 March, a meeting of the workers of different political parties was held to chart the course of the movement against the Muslim League on the language issue. The meeting held at Fazlul Huq Hall approved a resolution placed by Bangabandhu to form an All-Party State Language Action Council. The Action Council called for a general strike on 11 March to register the protest against the conspiracy of the Muslim League against Bangla. On 11 March, Bangabandhu was arrested along with some colleagues while they were holding a demonstration in front of the Secretariat building. The student community of the country rose in protest following the arrest of Bangabandhu. In the face of the strong student movement. In 1949, Sheikh Mujib was released from jail on 21st January. Bangabandhu extended his support to a strike called by the Class Four employees of Dhaka University to press home their various demands. The University authorities illogically imposed a fine on him for leading the movement of the employees. He rejected the unjust order. Eventually, the anti-Muslim League candidate Shamsul Huq won a by-election in Tangail on 26 April. Mujib was arrested for staging a sit-in strike before the Vice-chancellor's residence. When the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed on 23 June. Bangabandhu was elected its joint Secretary despite his incarceration. He was released in late June. Immediately after his release, he began organizing an agitation against the prevailing food crisis. In September he was detained for violating Section 144, later, however, he was freed. He raised the demand for Chief Minister Nurul Amin's resignation at a meeting of the Awami Muslim League in October. The Awami Muslim League brought out an anti-famine Minister Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to the province. Once again Bangbandhu was arrested and jailed, this time for two years and five months for leading the demonstration. In 1952, On 26th January, Khwaja Nazimuddin declared that Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Bangabandhu managed to play a leading role in organization a protest against this announcement. From prison he sends out a call to the State Language Action Council to observe 21st February as Demand Day for releasing political prisoners and making. Bangla the state language. He began a hunger strike on 14 February. On 21st February the student. Community violated Section 144 and brought out procession in Dhaka to demand the recognition of Bangla as the state language. Police opened fire, killing I the process Salam, Barkat, Rafique, Jabbar and Shafiur, who thus became Martyrs of the of the Language Movement. In a statement from jail, Bangabandhu condemned the police firing and registered his strong protest. He was on hunger strike for 13 consecutive days. He was moved from Dhaka Central Jail to Faridpur Jail to prevent him from making contact with the organizers of the movement. He was released from jail o 26 February. In 1953, On 9 July, Mujib was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami League at its council session. Efforts were made to forge unity among Moulana Bhashani, A.K. Fazlul Huq and Shaheed Suhrawardy with the objective of taking on the Muslim League at the general elections. To achieve this goal, a special council session of the party was called on 14 November, when a resolution to form the Jukta Front (United Front) was approved. In 1954, The first general election were held on 10 March. The United Front won 223 seats out of a total of 237, including 143 captured by the Awami League. Bangabandhu swept the Goppalganj constituency, defeating the powerful Muslim League leader Wahiduzzaman by a margin of 13.00 votes. On 15 May, Bangabandhu was given charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forests when the new Provincial Government was formed. On 29 May, the Central Government arbitrarily dismissed the United Front ministry. Bangabandhu was again arrested once he landed at Dhaka airport after a flight from Karachi on 30 May. He was freed on 23 December. In 1955, Bangabandhu was elected a member of the Legislative Assembly on 5 June. The Awami League held a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on 17 June where it put forward a 21 point programme demanding autonomy for East Pakistan. On 23 June, the Working Council of the Awami League decided that its members would resign from the Legislative Assembly if autonomy was not granted to East Pakistan. On 25 August, Bangabandhu told Pakistan's assembly in Karachi. "SIR, YOU WILL SEE THAT THEY WANT TO PLACE THE WORD 'EAST PAKISTAN' INSTEAD OF 'EAST BENGAL' WE HAVE DEMANDED SO MANY TIMES THAT YOU SHOULD USE BENGAL INSTEAD OF PAKISTAN. THE WORD 'BENGAL' HAS A HISTORY, HAS A TRADITION OF ITS OWN. YOU CAN CHANGE IT ONLY AFTER THE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN CONSULTED. IF YOU WANT TO CHANGE IT THEN WE HAVE TO GO BACK TO BENGAL AND ASK THEM WHETHER THEY ACCEPT IT SO FAR AS THE QUESTION OF ONE-UNIT IS CONCERNED IT CAN COME IN THE CONSTITUTION. WHY DO YOU WANT IT TO BE TAKEN UP JUST NOW ? WHAT ABOUT THE STATE LANGUAGE, BENGALI ? BE WILL BE PREPARED TO CONSIDER ONE-UNIT WITH ALL THESE THINGS. SO, I APPEAL TO MY FRIENDS ON THAT SIDE TO ALLOW THE PEOPLE TO GIVE THEIR VERDICT IN ANY WAY, IN THE FORM OF REFERENDUM OR IN THE FORM OF PLEBISCITE." On 21 October, the party dropped the word "Muslim from its name at a special council of the Bangladesh Awami Muslim League, making the party a truly modern and secular one. Bangbandhu was reelected General Secretary of party. Forced by international pressure and the imperatives of its own domestic predicament, Pakistan was obliged to release Sheikh Mujib from its jail soon after the liberation of Bangladesh and on 10 January 1972 the great leader returned to his beloved land and his admiring nation. But as he saw the plight of the country his heart bled and he knew that there would be no moment of rest for him. Almost the entire nation including about ten million people returning from their refuge in India had to be rehabilitated, the shattered economy needed to be put back on the rail, the infrastructure had to be rebuilt, millions had to be saved from starvation and law and order had to be restored. Simultaneously, a new constitution had to be framed, a new parliament had to be elected and democratic institutions had to be put in place. Any ordinary mortal would break down under the pressure of such formidable tasks that needed to be addressed on top priority basis. Although simple at heart, Sheikh Mujib was a man of cool nerves and of great strength of mind. Under his charismatic leadership the country soon began moving on to the road to progress and the people found their long-cherished hopes and aspirations being gradually realized. But at this critical juncture, his life was cut short by a group of anti-liberation reactionary forces who in a pre-dawn move on 15 August 1975 not only assassinated him but 23 of his family members and close associates. Even his 10 year old son Russel's life was not spared by the assassins. The only survivors were his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina - now the country's Prime Minister - and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, who were then away on a visit to Germany. In killing the father of the Nation, the conspirators ended a most glorious chapter in the history of Bangladesh but they could not end the great leader's finest legacy- the rejuvenated Bengali nation. In a fitting tribute to his revered memory, the present government has declared August 15 as the national mourning day. On this day every year the people would be paying homage to the memory of a man who became a legend in his own lifetime. Bangabandhu lives in the heart of his people. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are one and inseparable. Bangladesh was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's vision and he fought and died for it. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman dedicated his life to establishing a democratic, peaceful and exploitation-free society called "Sonar Bangla" - Golden Bengal. He sacrificed his life to liberate the Bangalee nation, which had been groaning under the colonial and imperialist yoke for nearly 1,000 years. He is the founding father of the Bangalee nation, generator of Bangalee nationalism and creator of the sovereign state of Bangladesh. But, before fulfill his dream the killers killed him with his almost all family members. That was our great tragedy. His political life began as a humble worker while he was still a student. He was fortunate to come in early contact with such towering personalities as Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and A K Fazlul Huq, both charismatic Chief Ministers of undivided Bengal. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of stormy politics as the aging British raj in India was falling apart and the Second World War was violently rocking the continents. He witnessed the ravages of the war and the stark realities of the great famine of 1943 in which about five million people lost their lives. The tragic plight of the people under colonial rule turned young Mujib into a rebel. This was also the time when he saw the legendary revolutionary Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose challenging the British raj. Also about this time he came to know the works of Bernard Shaw, Karl Marx, Rabindranath Tagore and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. Soon after the partition of India in 1947 it was felt that the creation of Pakistan with its two wings separated by a physical distance of about 1,200 miles was a geographical monstrosity. The economic, political, cultural and linguistic characters of the two wings were also different. Keeping the two wings together under the forced bonds of a single state structure in the name of religious nationalism would merely result in a rigid political control and economic exploitation of the eastern wing by the all-powerful western wing which controlled the country's capital and its economic and military might. In 1948 a movement was initiated to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. This can be termed the first stirrings of the movement for an independent Bangladesh. The demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement Sheikh Mujib was arrested and sent to jail. During the blood-drenched language movement in 1952 he was again arrested and this time he provided inspiring leadership of the movement from inside the jail. In 1954 Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the then East Pakistan Assembly. He joined A K Fazlul Huq's United Front government as the youngest minister. The ruling clique of Pakistan soon dissolved this government and Shiekh Mujib was once again thrown into prison. In 1955 he was elected a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and was again made a minister when the Awami League formed the provincial government in 1956. Soon after General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958, Sheikh Mujib was arrested once again and a number of cases were instituted against him. He was released after 14 months in prison but was re-arrested in February 1962. In fact, he spent the best part of his youth behind the prison bars. March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. Nearly two million freedom loving people assembled at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, later renamed Suhrawardy Uddyan, on that day to hear their leader's command for the battle for liberation. The Pakistani military junta was also waiting to trap him and to shoot down the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt against the state. Sheikh Mujib spoke in a thundering voice but in a masterly well-calculated restrained language. His historic declaration in the meeting was: "Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence." To deny the Pakistani military an excuse for a crackdown, he took care to put forward proposals for a solution of the crisis in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations. The crackdown, however, did come on March 25 when the junta arrested Sheikh Mujib for the last time and whisked him away to West Pakistan for confinement for the entire duration of the liberation war. In the name of suppressing a rebellion the Pakistani military let loose hell on the unarmed civilians throughout Bangladesh and perpetrated a genocide killing no less than three million men, women and children, raping women in hundreds of thousands and destroying property worth billions of taka. Before their ignominious defeat and surrender they, with the help of their local collaborators, killed a large number of intellectuals, university professors, writers, doctors, journalists, engineers and eminent persons of other professions. In pursuing a scorch-earth policy they virtually destroyed the whole of the country's infrastructure. But they could not destroy the indomitable spirit of the freedom fighters nor could they silence the thundering voice of the leader. Tape recordings of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib's 7th March speech kept on inspiring his followers throughout the war. Source: Internet Climate change and Bangladesh Jahangir Akash on 11/20/2009 7:13:51 AM - News Blogs
 As a Bangalee, I want to share how climate change is affecting the daily life and economy in Bangladesh. Already, the seasons have experienced unusual changes in Bangladesh. Every year, the country faces unexpected rains, dry spells, temperatures and other symptoms of changes in global weather patterns. Bangladesh is experiencing frequent severe weather patterns, in the form of floods, cyclones, heavy rains, droughts, river erosion and salinity intrusion due to climate change. Bangladesh's vulnerability to climate change lies mainly in its dense population and that a large part of its area consists of low-lying coastal areas and expansive floodplains. At present, Bangladesh has a population of 163 million people. While the country's population has been increasing, on the one hand, its forests are being depleted, on the other. An increasing world population and harmful industrialization worldwide are the main causes of climate change. The severity of storms, droughts, rainfall, floods and other natural disasters has been increasing in Asian countries, and in Bangladesh in particular, due to climate change. Global warming threatens our agriculture, which is the backbone of Bangladesh. Every year, natural disasters have widespread effects on Bangladesh, touching every corner of the country. Due to limited resources, Bangladesh does not have the capacity to ensure that appropriate measures are taken to mitigate the damage. Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, is the city most threatened in Asia by climate change. If things continue as they are, in the future, the economy will fail and human life itself will be threatened. At present, there are 10.3 million people living in Dhaka. In 2025, the population will have increased to 20.5 million. At the same time, every day, Bangladesh is losing ponds, lakes, dams and forestry. National and regional varieties of fish are being lost. Specialists have reported that 54 varieties of fish in Bangladesh have already been lost due to climate change. And forest animals are also being lost. At least 70 percent of people in Bangladesh are living in very poor situations. Many elements of both human society and the environment are sensitive to climate variability and change. Human health, agriculture, natural ecosystems, coastal areas and temperatures are all sensitive to changes in climate. According to the Water Development Board, there is a total of 11,000 kilometers of embankment that the by Water Development Board developed, of which around 250 kilometers were damaged by water surges during Cyclones Sidr and Aila. The existing embankment at Hatia requires a 4.5-meter height increase to protect against storm surges and sea-level rises due to the effects of climate change. Any future embankments should be designed to be two to four meters higher than the existing ones. Due to climate change, the weather in Bangladesh has changed. Water levels have fallen, temperatures have risen, and the incidence of floods, dry spells and cyclones have all increased, affecting both people's lifestyle and the crops. At least 30 rivers, including the the Padma, the Gomti and the Teesta, have dried up. And most of the other rivers in Bangladesh are being lost because they are being filled with soil. Parts of northern Bangladesh are becoming desert. Geological and biological changes in the area are threatening normal life. People all over the world are hoping that a positive, effective outcome, which is so needed, will result from the UN conference on climate change and that the world's leaders will figure out a sustainable solution from their discussions there. Bangladesh needs technological and economic support to survive the effects of a changing climate. Just as important is the proper handling of any foreign funds Bangladesh may get, since we know that corruption is another large barrier to our prosperity. Bangladesh is an underdeveloped country in Asia. How will this country continue to exist in the face of the challenge of climate change? That is a major question. Now, we will have to see what help for Bangladesh regarding this challenge of climate change comes from the Copenhagen conference. Achieving MDGs in Ghana Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/19/2009 8:12:33 PM - News Blogs
 The eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are framed as a compact to improve the well being of the world's citizen's especially the poor and the less privilege in the society. The Millennium Development Goals are; 1. Eradicate extreme poverty & hunger 2. Achieve universal primary education 3. Promote gender equality and empower women 4. Reduce child mortality 5. Improve maternal health 6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases 7. Ensure environmental sustainability 8. Develop a global partnership for development Ghana's road map of achieving the MDGs is embedded in the Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) document. The integration of GPRS and MDGs was greeted with much applause from most development agencies as it offers the country the lifeline to achieving the desired goals by 2015 and beyond . They offer the greatest opportunity for all the stakeholders to fashion out a systematic, collective and a sustainable approach in achieving the goals. The designing, implementation, monitoring and assessment of national processes are therefore very crucial to citizens and development partners. Although the implementation of the GPRS II is in its final year (2006-2009), the physical evidence of the necessary linkages between its three pillars and the eight Millennium Development Goals has been problematic because there has not been widespread awareness on these two (GPRS and MDGs). Achieving the MDGs is a necessity and addressing it intensively calls for a high level of collaboration and engagement between CSOs, Faith Based Organisations (FBOs), Traditional Authorities (TAs), Media, Parliament, Government, Citizens and International Organizations who are the proposed active actors in the MDGs attainment process. Effective collaboration among these actors for the realization of the goals is hampered by factors such as poor awareness and inadequate synergized efforts by CSOs. It is therefore prudent for us to review where we have gotten to and develop new strategies in achieving the goals. Below are some signposts that can be adopted in making the 2015 dream a reality in Ghana. Awareness Creation/Engagement The first step towards the realization of the 8-bound MDGs is to effectively create awareness to the general populace about the goals, its targets and what it seeks to achieve. The goals are about livelihoods and it concerns every citizen and this makes it very important for those who would be directly affected when it is either realized or not to be adequately informed. Currently, the case is that most Ghanaians do not have adequate information about what the MDGs are. This became very evident after a random vox-pop was conducted on the streets of Accra by some members of the Ghana MDGs Campaign Coalition to ascertain the level of MDGs awareness in the country. The result of the vox-pop which revealed that only one out of ten Ghanaians had heard about the MDGs was enough to determine how citizens are lagging behind in the MDGs realization efforts. It must be emphasized that no significant development or progress can be made if the key actor in the process of development is not adequately engaged. In view of this vacuum, the onus lies on policy makers and advocacy groups to relate the MDGs to the needs and priorities of the local communities. The goals need to be localized to suit the needs of every citizen. The MDGs needs to be sent to the door steps of traditional authorities and religious bodies to sensitize their constituent through the use of local languages should be adopted. The media which is the fourth estate of the realm has a major role to play in creating awareness of the goals. The major challenge for the media over the years has been that they are not adequately armed with what the MDGs are. This became obvious when in 2008 the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) asked journalists to submit their news stories and articles for award and just a handful of journalists responded to that despite the wide public announcement. The capacity of journalists should be built around the goals in order for them to educate their listeners and readers. Having left with less than six years to meet the 2015 deadline, the media, Ministry of Information, educational institutions and other state actors need to wake up to the call of promoting the MDGs to the general populace. Political Will/National Leadership Achieving the goals requires consistent political will from government and other state actors. It is government's primary responsibility to seeing to the achievement of the goals. The Government of Ghana over the years has shown some appreciable commitments towards the goals. This is evident in a number of programmes it has initiated. The GPRS, school feeding programme, capitation grant, Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) and the free maternal health programmes are clear examples of government's efforts towards the realization of the goals. It has also subjected the country to the African Peer Review Mechanism which is a considerable effort towards the goals. Although laudable efforts are being made, it needs to be doubled to make the dream come true. This calls for the design and implementation of prudent policies that focuses on meeting the goals. The goals and targets should be the guiding principle in its policy formulation and execution. Government as a matter of necessity should translate the goals and targets into clear national development goals. Adequate investment in infrastructure, energy, transport, communication, water, environment and social amenities should be a matter of necessity. It must also increase the budgetary allocation to the Ministry of Health, Education and Agric. These allocations need to be judiciously used. On the regional landscape, it needs to improve its collaboration with countries that have a role to play in our attainment process, especially on trade. Data Collection For sometime now it has been very difficult accessing an updated reliable data on the goals. Most data available are either outdated or not reliable enough. This is making it extremely difficult for one to determine the state of Ghana with regards to the MDGs. Data plays a very important role in the MDGs process. The availability of reliable data that can easily be interpreted offers the nation the opportunity to review its interventions and determine which approach to use in achieving each of the goals. Data will also enable us to determine which of the goals needs more capital injection and what needs to be done to scale up efforts. Strong national statistical systems for tracking progress are a major step that needs to be taken to achieving the goals. It is therefore urgent that GSS is adequately supported financially to carry out timely statistical research. Reliable statistical data would help inform national policies and the formulation of the GPRS for the attainment of the goals. Research institutions and CSOs should all take part in the collation of data to support national processes on the MDGs. Monitoring and Evaluation Effective monitoring and evaluation of Ghana's process forms a very key component in our quest to realizing the goals. This critical action will help determine and develop new strategies in achieving the goals. In a global village like this, it is very important to always review existing efforts and adopt new ways that can stand the challenges that comes with achieving the goals. CSOs, the media and citizens have a core role to play in monitoring and evaluating national processes. An evaluated national process will help the country to focus squarely on scaling up proven interventions. It is therefore imperative for every stakeholder to participate in national processes of effectively monitoring and evaluating the goals from time to time. Conclusion The MDGs are livelihood empowerment initiatives and we cannot afford to fail in achieving them. We must aggressively engage every stakeholder in implementing interventions that will scale up our efforts in realizing the goals. With just less than six years to reach the deadline, development partners must also keep to their promise of providing financial assistance in achieving the goals. President Atta Mills put it right at the 64th UN General Assembly, “rich countries need to put in more effort to meet existing commitments to aid and debt reduction”. We must ensure economic stability, empower the local industries and create an enabling environment to attract foreign investments. How I will recover my dignity, reputation and all other loses? Jahangir Akash on 11/19/2009 9:36:09 AM - News Blogs
 Sami Al Haj, a cameraman for the Al Jazeera TV station was showed a report about the human rights violation at Guantanamo. And he was described his inhuman torture history. He has spent six years in the Guantanamo detention center. Really it was brutal and horrible. Journalist and writer Tara McKelvey from USA was described on the Abu Ghraib prison’s human rights violation. It was a nice, fruitful and important conference. Now, I want to share on my torture history. How and why I was brutal tortured by Army in Bangladesh? I want to draw a picture on human rights and press freedom in Bangladesh. Torture is a common feature in Bangladesh. Now torture has become institutionalized. In Bangladesh, it has become common for extrajudicial killings to be sanitized under the names of “crossfire” or “encounter” by law-enforcing agencies. A culture of impunity has also been a common practice by the state since 1975. Here, extrajudicial killings by the joint security forces continue unabated. I experienced torture firsthand while I was detained at an Army camp during the state of emergency declared by Bangladesh’s military caretaker government from Jan. 2007 to Dec. 2008. I want to share with you some of my experiences. Every day, the suppression of the media and freedom of speech is becoming more apparent in Bangladesh. I would like to draw a picture of the destruction of Bangladeshi media from my own perspective. The people of Bangladesh struggled for 23 years to establish their rights in different sectors throughout the country, then for provincial autonomy, and finally for independence. They owned their victory through a nine-month-long war, after which they found Bangladesh independent. But it is very troubling that Bangladeshis’ fundamental rights have been restricted through interference by the Army, at different times. The Army autocrats who rule the country have caused the deaths of thousands of civilians and Army people, even the father of the nation, Bangobandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in 1975, but they have always received impunity. In recent past regime of army backed caretaker government, it was common Practice for the joint forces, the Army, and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) to torture university professors, journalists and writer and human rights defenders including famous dramatist columnist Malay Bhoumic, professor Anwar Hossen Neem Chandra Bhoumic, Harun-ur-Rashid, present vice chancellor of Rajshahi University Abdus Sobhan, ex vice chancellor of the same university and present ambassador of UK Saidur Rahman Khan. No action can to be taken against these perpetrators. Personally, I have also been victimized by the recent past authority for my activities as a journalist, writer and human rights activist. I was tortured for 15 hours. My crime was that I was made several investigative reports about the RAB’s offenses of extrajudicial killings, Islamic militancy and Indigenous and minority torture as well as corruption and political terrorism. I want to paint a picture of the violation of the rule of law and human rights in Bangladesh. The RAB arrested a terrorist named Benazir on May 2, 2007, on the charges of possession of illegal arms. While arresting him, they shot both of his legs in front of his minor daughter and his wife. Benazir is now crippled with two bullet marks on his feet. He is also detained in the hospital area of the Rajshahi central jail. The RAB did not find any arms in his possession. Another killing was happened in the name of ‘Encounter’ by RAB-5. RAB murdered a local Workers party leader Maznu Sheikh alias Kamrul Islam at Chotobongram in Rajshahi city on May 18, 2007. I reported about these on CSB News and broadcasted interviews of their relatives (wife, mother, brother and localities). In the same time I was published these report on the daily Sangbad and broadcasted in DW Radio. When Benazir was shot, it was reported by me on CSB News. None of the RAB personnel who were involved in the alleged operation agreed to give statements in front of a television camera regarding the incident. In the evening, I send the report to our head office in Dhaka from our bureau office in Rajshahi. In a news bulletin broadcasted at 1:00 a.m. the following morning, the report was broadcast. Then, at 9:33 p.m. that evening, I received a call from RAB officer Major Rashidul Hasan Rashid. Soon as I As soon as I picked up the phone, the caller asked me why the broadcasting of the news piece about the RAB’s operation was stopped after being aired only twice. In reply, I told him that “it is up to the head office.” Major Rashid became annoyed with me and said, “You broadcasted this report intentionally.” I replied, “It is my professional duty, nothing more than that.” He asked, “Why did you broadcast someone crying and the statements of Benazir’s wife and daughter?” In response, I asked him, “Do you want to know it officially?” At this stage, Major Rashid became very rude. I cannot mention the words he shouted at me in our language, since the language was very bad. He was outraged and said, “If you fail to give the right answer about why you broadcast the report, then I shall take actions against you.” I said, “I have not committed any crime.” Major Rashid asked again, “Why did the other TV channels not broadcast the same report? You did it intentionally and your actions belong to ‘anti-state activity’.” He also said, “Make sure that you, any of your colleagues, and the CSB News camera are never seen within the jurisdiction and activities of the RAB. If they are, then the RAB will take action against you.” After that, he hung up. I complained to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) and Amnesty International and other human rights and media organizations as well as DW authority regarding this threat. Then AHRC was given a letter to the government. After then, an investigation was commissioned. After giving a detailed report, I signed my written statement, which was received with signature and official chop by the reader to assistant police commissioner in Boalia, Rajshahi on July 3, 2007. Mr. Golam Mostofa, the field officer of the National Security Intelligence questioned me regarding the said intimidation and threats, on July 15, 2007. Then, at around 6:00 p.m. on July 22, 2007, Mr. Moyeen, an inspector of the Special Branch of the city of Rajshahi visited my office and took my statement. Inspector Moyeen also asked about the threat I felt, and I replied that the RAB is involved in extrajudicial killings and I feared that I could become the victim of such a killing. I reported that I have been continuing my work, but I still worried that the RAB or his men might target me for further harassment or intimidation. So I became a target. I have been charged multiple times with false and political motivated charges and have been arrested, tortured and detained. I was arrested from my house at midnight and tortured in front of my wife, child and rental house owners. I was taken to the RAB-5 office. I was hung from the ceiling with my hands tied with ropes and was beaten mercilessly on my feet and my back. I was kept hanging from the ceiling with ropes around my hands, with the mask on my face. And also they gave me electric shocks. When I was being tortured I was being shouted at with words like: “Will you do the Benazir report again…?” “Litchi garden report again…” ‘Khairuzzaman Liton’s family report again…” Now face the consequences; son of a pig… son of a bitch…” etc. The RAB would like to be able to kill me, and officially call the killing a “crossfire” or “encounter.” RAB sent me to the local police with the charge under the section 16(2) of Emergency Power Rules 2007. I was under medical attention in the Rajshahi central jail for 10 days. As a new detainee, I was sent to the case table in front of the jail house’s trial court on my first day. When I went to case table, two fellow inmates had to hold me on both sides. I had no power to walk. I could not even sit properly, but could only put pressure on one side of my rear, when sitting. I broke into tears. Many cases were lodged against me. I felt I was being prepared to be killed in a “crossfire” or “encounter.” There is more shocking news I have learned about a key perpetrator, Major Rashidul Hassan Rashid, an RAB military officer who played the leading role in the extrajudicial killings of Ahsan Habib Babu, a student’s league leader; Kamrul Islam, alias Maznu Sheikh, a Workers Party leader; Ali Jafor Babu, a prominent businessman; and about twenty others. Some people like Benazir and a jail guard, Shahebul Islam, were highly affected and disabled by their torture. Major Rashid has been recruited to serving in the U.N. peacekeeping mission in the Ivory Coast; he joined the UN mission on July 10, 2008. This makes it clear how well the Bangladeshi authorities look into human rights abuses and treat the victims and the perpetrators. In 2007 journalist Tasneem Khalil, who wrote an article criticizing the government, was taken by Army members to the facilities of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, Bangladesh’s intelligence agency, and was brutally beaten. Now he has been exiled by the Bangladeshi government and lives in Sweden. Cartoonist Arifur Rahman arrested and sent to the jail for made a cartoon. Though, he was freed from jail later and he was freed from the case by the court ordered. In the regime of BNP-Jammat government journalist Saleem Samad, writer-journalist Shahriar Kabir, professor of Dhaka University and famous writer Muntasir Mamun also brutally tortured and detained illegally. There are so many examples like mentioned above. In Bangladesh still going on extra judicial killings in the name of ‘Crossfire’ ‘Encounter’ or ‘Gunfight’. Though, the present government is democratic. Recently in Gofforgaon upazilla under Mymensing district journalist Biblop was tortured by the supporters of ruling party lawmakers. In last 16 years almost 29 journalists-writers were murdered in Bangladesh including Manik Saha, Deponkar Chakraborty, Goutam Das, Humayun Kabir Balu, Shamsur Rahman Cable, Harun-ur-Rashid Khokon, Saiful Alam Mukul, and Sheikh Belaluddin. But yet real investigation and trial has not end. Journalist’s community and the relatives of killed journalists are waiting for justice. In last 38 years since independence hundreds journalists brutal tortured including Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury, Atiquallah Khan Masud, Alhaj Zahirul Haque, Probir Shikder, Tipu Sultan. In the present Awami League regime journalist F M Masum, who is working with the New Age was brutally tortured by RAB recently. On the other hand, In Bangladesh, the brutal persecution of the Christian religious minority and indigenous ethnic minorities is going ahead full steam. Until now, the persecution that both communities faced never saw the light of justice. A culture of the denial of justice in Bangladesh is the root of all the persecution against the ethnic and religious minorities, which isn’t only affecting a part of the country, but is plaguing the entire criminal justice system in Bangladesh. General Zia and his predecessors introduced persecution against the minorities in Bangladesh. Bangladesh became Islamized under the military regime, rather than being a true parliamentarian democracy. Bangladesh was not born with the blessing of being united beyond ethnic and religious differences, but rather has been Islamized, yet with a secular policy. The attack on the religious minority brings with it the idea of “Islam in the constitution”. The communal spirit began with political motives and ended in mass destruction such as the attack on present Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed back in 2001. The victims of the brutal attack are still looking for justice. At that time also, a bomb attack killed 10 and badly injured 20 others at the Baniarhar Catholic church in Maksudpur, in the Gopalganj district. In 1998, an indigenous leader, Alfred Soren, was brutally killed by those in power. The day of the attack, the perpetrators looted his house, destroyed his belongings, and set the house on fire. Until now, his family members and the public have never seen the light of justice. Cholesh Richil, an indigenous Christian leader, died in custody on March 18, 2007, following brutal torture at the hands of the army. Richil’s civil rights were grossly violated by government agents. It is puzzling why the government has not yet made a proper investigation to unearth the mystery behind this leader’s death. The perpetrators of this crime should not have impunity. The killing of Richil has not been filed as a criminal case to date. From 1979 to 1981, the indigenous people of Bangladesh became cornered by landless people from the mainland in the process of their rehabilitation by the government. An ill-fated ten-year-old indigenous child, Klanto Chiham, was killed by brutal teachers after being tortured at Maymansingh. A dacoit, or robber, killed a Christian school teacher, Mangsang, at Madhupur in Tangail. A member of an even smaller minority, Dr. Goni Gomes, a converted Christian from Islam, was killed by Islamic militants. The constitution does not give proper identity to the indigenous peoples. This is Bangladesh! We demand that these persecutions stop right now and that the government give all rights due to the minority groups and bring the perpetrators to justice. Nonstop minority repression has been going on. Press Freedom: Day by day journalism in Bangladesh is going on very danger and risk. Press freedom is golden dear in Bangladesh. Actually here is no real press freedom. Journalist’s killings and torture is a common feature in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh press freedom is a golden dear. In this horrible situation journalists are working here. Though government always says that, journalists and media are free. In practice, media is not free. Media peoples are working hundred percent with self censorship. Because most of the media owners are black money holder or they have other business. Every day, the suppression of the media and freedom of speech is becoming more apparent in Bangladesh. I would like to draw a picture of the destruction of Bangladeshi media from my own perspective. 29 journalists and writer were killed in last 16 years in Bangladesh. Out of these three were killed in this year (2009) including a community young journalist. Yet, not get justice of the journalist’s families as well as journalists community. Still they are waiting for getting justice. Journalist’s killings and repression is a common phenomenon in here. Many journalists in different places in Bangladesh have been tortured and threatened by the ruling party men including some law makers in this year. These incidents apart, harassment either in the form of physical torture or filing false cases is on the rise in recent days across the country. At least 130 journalists felt prey to various types of harassments in the country since January, 2009. After my investigating report about Islamic militancy, extra judicial killings, minority oppression and corruption I was tortured with electric shocked by army (RAB) and they also hung me with the ceiling for 15 hours with blind folded and with a black mask in 2007. Still I have been facing two false and political fabricated cases. In the regime of last army backed caretaker government many journalists were tortured. In the regime of BNP-Jammat government journalist Saleem Samad, writer-journalist Shahriar Kabir, professor of Dhaka University and famous writer Muntasir Mamun also brutally tortured and detained illegally. The killed journalists and writer are 1) Manik Saha (Khulna), 15 January, 2004, 2) Humayun Kabir Balu(Khulna), 27 June, 2005, 3) Shamsur Rahman Cable (Jessore), 16 July, 2000, 4) Harun-ur-Rashid Khokon (Khulna), April, 2003, 5) Saiful Alam Mukul (Jessore), 30 August, 1998, 6) Dipankar Chakrabarty (Bogura), 20 October, 2004, 7) Goutam Das (Faridpur), Sheikh Belaluddin (Khulna), 2005, 9) S.M. Alauddin (Satkhira), 19 June, 1996, 10) Golam Mazed (Jessore), 11) Mir Ilias Hossen Dileep (Jhenidha), 15 January, 2000, 12) Shukur Ali alias Shukur Hossen (Dumuria-Khulna), 5 July, 2002, 13) Nahar Ali (Dumuria-Khulna), 18 April, 2001, 14) Ahsan Ali (Rupgonj-Narayangonj), 20 July, 2001, 15) Kazi Md. Kamruzzaman (Nilfhamari),1996, 16) Syed Faruk Ahamed (Shrimongol-Moulobhi Bazar), May, 2002, 17) Bazlur Rahman (Chuadanga), 18) Kamal Hossen (Khagrachari), 21 August, 2004, 19) Anwar Apolo, 20) Abdul Latif Nabil, 21) Zamaluddin (Rangamati), 5 March, 2007, 22) Nurul Islam Rana (2009, Uttara-Dhaka), 3 July, 2009, 23) M.M.Ahsan Bari (2009, Gagipur-Dhaka), 26 August, 2009, 24) popular writer Dr. Humayun Azad (Dhaka University), 27 February, 2004, 25) Sarwarul Alam Noman (Mymensing), 1995, 26) Faruk Hossen (Jessore), 27) Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury (Jessore), 1994, 28) Rezaul Karim Reza and 29) Abdul Hannan(2009, Demra, Dhaka). But yet real investigation and trial has not end. Journalist’s community and the relatives of killed journalists are waiting for justice. Another form of journalist’s repression in Bangladesh is defamation. Every year many journalists have been facing criminal defamation. Personally I was grossly suffered with defamation. With a false defamation charged had went to jail for three days in 1992. Still many journalists with editors are facing with defamation charges. In Bangladesh, justice and press freedom is a golden dear. Those who are involves in corruptions they always controlled by the governments. Presents trends of media are that, black money holders are coming in the ownership of media house. So, journalists are firstly, self censored for their owners. Another media controlled key is advertisement of government. That is why; media is not playing good role for the peoples. For media freedom, another problem is that in Bangladesh has no definition about contempt to court and defamation. So, always, media has fearing regarding these. Which content will go to contempt to court or defamation for publishing? Media peoples have not known this. Only for this recently famous national daily the Prothom Alo has charged with contempt to court. There have no national broadcasting rule. Though, we got recently right to information act and community radio rule. Now, we are waiting for see what would come better for media freedom of these two rules. On the other hand, many law including official secrecy act which are big barrier for press freedom. Journalist’s communities in Bangladesh are waiting for justice of their killed and tortured colleagues. I think, in Bangladesh if society has not changed as qualitative then press freedom is so far from practically. In practice, has no rule of law, good governance in Bangladesh. Whole nation politically, socially divided by two major groups. Journalist’s community has also divided by two groups and also they have lack of professionalism. Torture has been a familiar and widespread problem in Bangladesh. It is a routine feature of criminal investigations, used by the police to obtain confessions. It is also used for politically motivated purposes against alleged national security suspects, critics of the government, and perceived political opponents, in order to obtain information, to intimidate or to convey more broadly a message of fear. The system of detention is also a kind of human rights violation. Article 35 (5) of the Constitution of Bangladesh clearly said that, No person shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment or treatment - thus, it is a fundamental right of all Bangladeshis that they are protected by the Constitution against torture. There is a biggest difference between the constitutional provision and the belief of the general people. This experience started on the very day when the nation adopted its constitution as the supreme law of the land immediately after the independence of the country from the colonial regime. That same difference of allowing torture to persist without any credible scope of justice to the victims remains after 38 years of independence. The police, along with its other branches such as Special Branch (SB), the Detective Branch (DB) and the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), are not the only agencies that practice torture. The paramilitary forces the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) the armed forces, especially the Bangladesh Army, and the intelligence agencies like the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and National Security Intelligence (NSI) of the country, all maintain special torture cells of their own. There are temporarily created cells like the Joint Interrogation Cell (JIC) and the Task Force for Interrogation (TFI) Cell and they are notorious for their brutality. There is little support for the people they are supposed to be protecting. The law enforcement agencies and the security forces care little for the ordinary people of Bangladesh. The personnel, who serve in the police, armed forces and the paramilitary forces stand face to face before the people treating the commoners as criminals in general and subject them to torture in the name of maintaining law and order in the country. In reality, a country likes Bangladesh where a fair trial is beyond imagination of the justice seekers it is absolutely impossible to get a legal remedy against a perpetrator of torture. Human rights organization The Asian Human Rights Commission informed us that, in Bangladesh 629 police stations in the country. If a single person is tortured per day in these police stations then an alarming number of 229,585 persons are being tortured in Bangladesh every year. Torture at the hands of the state actors regularly causes permanent and temporary disability of persons and amounts to hundreds of deaths every year. But, despite the recurrence of these grave incidents it repeatedly fails to shake the conscience of the policymakers of the nation. The governments of various regimes do not feel any responsibility to bring to an end this brutal practice. Ironically, the political parties of the country pledge to uphold rule of law and human rights before every general election and then turn a blind eye to abuses by the police once they are elected to power. Bangladesh’s parliament is in session for the second time after a new government led by the Bangladesh Awami League assumed office this year. A draft Bill urging the need of punishing torture and custodial death as a crime has also been in place since 5 March 2009. The Bill was registered by a Member of the Parliament, Mr. Saber Hossain Chowdhury, of the ruling political party, as a Private Member’s Bill as the government did not clarify its position regarding the issue. A ruling party with more than two thirds majority in the parliament can eliminate torture and allow thousands of victims to get justice from the courts of law in order to fulfill the government s commitment to the people thereby meeting their constitutional obligations. We general people of Bangladesh urges to the Parliament of Bangladesh to prove its commitment that they want to end the practice of custodial torture and the culture of impunity on their own soil. We also urge the parliamentarians to legislate the draft Bill in order to open the doors of the judiciary for the victims of torture. The victims should have easy access to the complaint mechanism and protection from threats and intimidation. The burden of proof should be upon the perpetrators of torture with an obligation of compensating the victims for their sufferings if the perpetrators are found guilty. Article 46 of the Constitution must be repealed as it is used to offer impunity to the perpetrators of torture. Sections 132 and 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure must be repealed immediately. Section 132 allows the state actors to abuse their power in the name of good faith without any checks and balances, and Section 197 denies the independence of the judiciary. The peoples also urge the civil society, including the media and the rights groups of Bangladesh to initiate movements against the practice of custodial torture and impunity by demanding the criminalization of torture. Freedom of the press should be granted in Bangladesh’s constitution; it is granted in Art. 39 (b), but it is not binding upon the government. Therefore, we should fight to establish the rule of the constitution. The judiciary should be independent in practice, and all kinds of killings by the government machinery should be stopped. No persons should be tortured by law-enforcing agencies. No rule or ordinance that is contradictory to the main theme of constitution should be formed or passed. No accused persons should have impunity. The U.N. charter should be followed strictly and, in this regard, the international organization should act impartially and independently. I think that, to establish freedom of the press and to protect human rights that are the first and main step to establish the rule of law and to develop a country, the culture of democracy should be practiced continuously and strictly in Bangladesh. In this regard, a forum for regional or global cooperation should be formed, should be active in creating a few rules, and should be strictly maintained. It is necessary to give punish those who are perpetrators and should Bangladesh government stop Impunity for the greater interest of democracy and peace. Lastly, I want to say I have been giving high price for press freedom and human rights with my whole family. Only for my professional activity my father in law was lost his political carrier. Though, he has been belonging with Bangladesh Awmai League from last 42 years. After my persecution I have been paralyzed socially, economically, mentally and physically. Not only that, I have lost my job, dignity, reputation. How I will recover my dignity, reputation and all other loses? Bui Dam resettlements: Livelihoods and institutional challenges Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/18/2009 8:44:52 PM - Opinion Blogs
 The Akosombo dam has been of service to the people of Ghana, and some of its neighbouring countries for some decades now, but just as anything which wears out in its productivity as times go by, or if it is subject too much pressure, so has the Akosombo dam reduced its productiveness to the people of Ghana and neighbouring countries. The Bui hydropower dam project is one of the hydropower dams meant to complement the supply of electricity to the people of Ghana. This project, despite its benefits, has rendered some of the residents of Bui homeless and jobless. Unlike the Volta River resettlement scheme, which 80,000 people were evacuated to 52 newly-created townships, and the Kpong Dam project, which affected about 6,000 people, however the Bui Dam Resettlements would have to relocate 900 people to various sites. From the look of things, compared to the other resettlement projects which entailed thousands of people, the Bui project entailed just about 900 people, which in a way, might make it easier to resettle them. Even though their number cannot be compared to other affected resettlement projects, according to the stakeholders and government agencies involved, they are facing some challenges in the resettlement project, which is preventing the convenience they need to resettle the people. Bui Township Bui is a small community, with a population of not up to a thousand, and can be found in the Eastern Region of Ghana. According to the Center for National Culture (CNC) website, the people of Bui are not native Kulanghos, but Nafaana within the Banda Traditional Area of the newly-created Tain District. One can imagine a high Kulangho influence in parts of the catchment area, as it is close to the Kulangho communities in Côte d'Ivoire, where the people can be described as a large and sociologically powerful group. The people of the Bui Gorge area, comprise the Ligbi, the Nafaana, Ntorre Awutu, Degha (Djamo or Mo), Bono, Gonja, Ewe (Tongu) and to a lesser degree Kulangho. The groups listed can be found in communities which they identify as their own within the Bole and Tain districts in the Northern and Brong Ahafo regions respectively. The people of the Bui Gorge catchment area are peasant farmers, and cultivate mainly yam, cassava, guinea corn, groundnuts and bottle gourds for their seeds, commonly known as Ain in Akan. They usually sell their produce at the Techiman Market. They also cultivate calabash plants, and generally keep livestock in communal kraals with common herdsmen who are paid through individuals contributions. Today, there are not many cattle in the area, especially at Jama village where there is not a single cow or goat. The main foods relished in the area are yam fufu and abetie (Akan), cassava dough steamed in maize porridge, locally called kode and koo in Guan and Degh/Vagli respectively, eaten with soups, ranging from plain sauce through wet and dried vegetables. Until the establishment of the Bui national park, and the enforcement of the wildlife protection laws, the people of Bui depended on fish and game as one of their natural sources of protein. Since then, the people get their fish from seasonal communal fishing. Sometimes during the dry season, they as well go on group hunting on individual community basis for game. Resettlement of the people of Bui and challenges The issue of taking care of the affected communities of the Bui hydropower dam project has been one of the central ideas of government and stakeholders involved in the project, and have come to the realisation that there is the need to address the livelihood and institutional challenges for the sustainable development of dams in Ghana. Even though the people seem to be small in number, compared to that of the Akosombo hydropower dam and Kpong hydrodam projects, the stakeholders and people in charge of the resettlement project, as well as the natives, seem to be encountering certain challenges concerning their relocation. At the 3rd Ghana Dam Forum, which took place in Accra, under the theme “Address livelihood and institutional challenges for sustainable dam development in Ghana,” it was realised that the Bui dam resettlement project had various challenges, which include a problem of access to farmland and farm size. According to them, there are only two acres of farmlands replacing five or more at previous sites. Additionally, the new farmlands are not as fertile as the previous ones. Considering the occupation of the people of Bui, where most of their livelihood depends on farming, therefore the reduction of the size of their farmland, compared to the previous one, is a direct deduction of their livelihood, income and standard of living. Moreover, the fertility of the land, at the verge of turning fallow, will be a big blow to the productivity of their crops. Moreover, there is a problem of housing facing the resettlement project, according to them, there is the issue of housing, as the houses available are either inadequate, of poor quality or inappropriate. It was reported recently that out of the seven communities affected, about four have been relocated, however one of the communities is not satisfied with the nature of the houses, as they claim that they are smaller than their previous houses. Indeed, when the Ghana Dam Dialogue (GDD) went round monitoring, they seconded the fact that the houses were small and too close to each other, and that it does not look like housing for communities, but rather camps. For every community to survive, the presence of social amenities and basic infrastructure go to the extent to improving every aspect of its livelihood. In as much as these things are important, it is one of the major challenges facing the resettlement issue of the Bui hydropower dam project. According to them, there is the absence of portable drinking water at the places of relocation. As water is a very important asset to mankind, it would make the stay of the relocated people very difficult. Additionally, the absence of electricity will make it difficult for them to engage in activity that needs electrical power. Since they are about to get used to not having electricity, apart from them being in darkness and their activities stacked up at night, they will also have to go through the plight of they not getting abreast with information, especially that of television. Even though stakeholders have done their best, by providing electricity from solar energy for lighting, but the relocated cannot afford the cost of light bulbs, and solar is the most expensive source of energy. As if these challenges are not enough, the relocated have to face the situation of entering into new livelihood skills after relocation, that is to say the farmers have no choice than to change their farming occupation into fishing, and are not abreast with the skills needed. Others have no choice than to focus their attention to the acquisition of new skills and vocations. Way forward At the forum, it was made that clear that the challenges of Bui, were not the only challenges faced when resettling dam affected people, but the Volta River Resettlement Scheme had challenges such as the absence of access to farmlands and farm sizes. That is to say, these are small farms, compared to previous farms prior to relocation. The houses were inadequate, inappropriate, and lack technical know-how for the maintenance of such housing families. There were as well, absent or inadequate basic infrastructures such as roads, schools, clinics, electricity, water, etc. Stakeholders, as well as the government, have thought it wise that resettling the people of Bui to a location without or with inadequate basic infrastructure, could pose a threat to their living conditions. Moreover, there was environmental degradation, that is to say the top soil was destroyed by the wind, serious erosion, and forest vegetation turned to savannah. The small farm sizes affected incomes. The change from forest crops to savannah crops and poor roads affected marketing, barter trade 25 years after construction of the dam. Furthermore, they encountered the issue of inadequate consultation – wide range of key stakeholders, governance, equity, participatory approach to the planning process. The authority as well faced institutional challenges such as inadequate funding for the Volta Basin Research Unit at the University of Ghana. Engaging international experts in resettlement projects – to what extent should they be involved as against local participation of local know-how? t was therefore thought wise that in order for these challenges not to re-surface in the near dam resettlement project, there ought to be ample time for them to build houses for the relocated, as one of the challenges they faced was inadequate time for the constructions which could affect the quality of housing. Availability of time will give them ideas on rectifying a mistake in their construction, in case a mistake occurs. They as well attributed the rise of these challenges to the non-involvement of the people in the provision of housing. In avoiding this situation in the near future, there is the need for them to involve the people affected, in every decision making, right from the very onset. Conclusion The resettlement of people is a situation which greatly affects the way of life, and livelihood of the people involved. It would therefore be of importance if the project of resettlement is given a holistic approach, so as to make relocation not a difficult time for the affected people. Stakeholders should make planners aware that there was the need for them to involve the district assemblies in the projects, including ownership, more involvement of affected groups in resettlement decisions, and a continuous monitoring of resettlement schemes will help prevent future challenges. Likewise, there ought to be monitoring and evaluation of resettlement projects to improve approaches to resettlement, and strengthen the capacity for doing so, and all stakeholders should be brought on board at all times, as well as more coordination of the activities of the various stakeholders. If the planners make good use of their role in the project of resettlement, then the people affected and stakeholders of the project will not go through any kinds of inconvenience. ATTAH MILLS CAN'T YOU SEE THE WARNING ON THE WALL? AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) on 11/18/2009 1:15:38 AM - Political Blogs
 To Malcolm X, without education one cannot get to a lot of places. This cannot be comprehensive without acknowledging the considered opinion of our illustrious son of Ghana and Africa, Kwadwo Aggrey that, “if you educate a man you educate an individual and if you educate a woman you educate a whole nation”. In our bid to educate our society we are rather gearing towards 'illiterating' the few educated ones in the society so how can we achieve our set target? The educational reforms for some years have taken a nosedive with subsequent governments reforming the sector to suit and satisfy their individual whims and caprices. The infamous SHS four years of the erstwhile Kuffuor-led-NPP-administration which took an obstinate stance even in the face of opposition of the committee set to advice the government in relation to any need for reforms. This single act of the Kuffuor led administration shows the extent to which our leadership in the country is becoming insensitive and rather finds interest in holding the whole electorate at ransom. The Attah Mills-led-NDC-administration cannot escape from the sharp insensitive of our leaders. This was a leader who professes to care for the people of this country but his haste in changing the Kuffuor four years SHS to three years is too petty and shows the lack of empathy of the NDC administration. We the students are not surprise in the least because the persons under discussion enjoyed free education, had access to free meat, fish, desert and even had their shoes polished for them which we are not demanding upon knowing the exigencies of our time and the peril our country faces. Their action is a perfect epitome of what I have been mouthing to my colleagues that, “if a rich man comes to talk to you about poverty one will not understand him because he/she will be speaking mere jargons and will definitely not make any sense. However, when a poor man comes to talk to you about poverty you will understand him so much that, he will give you a perfect and vivid picture of the horrors of the hardships and the misery s/he goes through”. Attah Mills, Kuffuor and their cohort can be tantamount to the rich man in the above quotation. They are okay so they don't really know how the poor cry and had to scratch their butt in order to make ends meat. The NDC and the NPP are just going about corrupting the youths who are getting educated by creating disloyalty and tantrums throwing which is now their past times. They never had the faintest idea that our educational system is broken down. Ghana, like any other African country interested in educating their people rather goes about “illiterating the few literate ones”. Our national leadership is blind towards this and rather spends over 1.3 billion old Ghana cedis on tea. Our campus is overpopulated while our infrastructures have not been kept at par with the teeming students being admitted. Our professors too are not teaching anything which must be taught in the 21st century. Whereas the developed countries are learning things meant for the 22nd century we those from the 'dark' continent and narrowly Ghana are rather learning things meant for the 18th and 19the Centuries. Grow up, Kuffuor, Akuffo Addo, and Attah-Mills and admonish your people to stop throwing tantrums and casting unnecessary insinuations and help educate our illiterates and you as well. Most professors are using notes they were used in 1999 down to this time. 2009 yet our notes are the ones used by students in the 1998 down to this time around. Our leadership too is funny. Laugh (you reader). They are not interested in upgrading our existing institutions yet they are vainly and frivolously promising to establish more institutions to accommodate may be their family members. Though in tertiary institution, I feel I am being 'illiterated' than educated. God help people like you who are disillusion and always want to hazards the opinion that we are trying. This is hogwash and Mills knows that. Nana Addo`s age and competence Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/16/2009 8:09:04 PM - Political Blogs
 In the New Patriotic Party (NPP) this is particularly tense, due to the well established democratic traditions within the party, and the closeness of the last elections, which implies that all things being equal, the party would have to do very little to win power again. This implication is even heightened by the poor performance of the Atta Mills/John Mahama administration, which has already lost the trust of many Ghanaians. In the NPP, it is obvious that for some it is time to continue the internal politicking to either keep the party on their side or to win the party to their side, with the incentive being that the successful group has a chance of ruling the nation. It is therefore not a surprise that many are eagerly strategising and canvassing for support within the party, of course through many means. MAIN PROTAGONISTS IN NPP It should also be stated though it is an obvious fact that the main protagonists in this struggle for the hearts and minds of the NPP are the Akufo-Addo and Alan Kyerematen groups, and no amount of ostrich games can hide this fact. Since the beginning of this year, the core campaign for the Alan camp seems to be centered on Nana Addo's age. This, for me, is a monumental strategic failure on their part, as it would not sell, and I intend to show why this would be so. It is an undeniable fact that by December 2012 Nana Addo would be 68, while Alan Kyerematen would be 57, but this fact aside, there is nothing more. Ultimately, the race for the NPP flagbearership would boil down to capability, boldness, ability to work with party ranks, and care for the grassroots, nothing more, nothing less, so all this fuss about age, is much ado about nothing. In any case let's not forget that it is the same Alan camp, together with some of us, who argued strongly in the run-up to the 2007 Congress, that age has nothing to do with competence. I am therefore much amazed that the same camp would, today, betray this principle, and turn around seeking to play on this same issue of age. Nevertheless, for the sake of argument purposes, let us all undertake an academic discourse with this issue. ISSUE OF NANA'S AGE The question I would quickly pose is, what is it about Nana Addo's age which makes him unfit for the flagbearership? Is it an issue of merely the numbers, or there is more to it? Is it a matter of the loss of strength or mental agility, then I would quickly ask if anyone can associate these affiliations of age with Nana Addo? But, if it's about just numbers, then the least said the better. After all, haven't we seen numerous septuagenarians steer their countries better than the so-called young bloods? Mention can easily be made of the Nelson Mandelas, the Pandit Nehrus, Ronald Reagan, Lee Kwan Yeu, Winston Churchill, Conrad Adenauer, and Charles De Gaulle, etc. So the truth, as it was before 2007 and now, is that leadership has little to do with age. Indeed, any serious research would point out that most of the leaders we revere , hit their peaks and really performed at quite 'old ages' as some would put it. Ronald Reagan was sworn in a few weeks shy of his 70th birthday, and was again sworn in for his second term when he was almost 74. Golda Meir, first Israeli female Prime Minister, was elected at the age of 71. Winston Churchill was 66 when he first became Prime Minister in 1940, by the time of his first retirement he was 72. Interestingly, he made a comeback as Prime Minister at the age of 78, in 1951, and retired finally in 1955 at the age of 82. Can anyone say that Churchill was affected by age? Absolutely not! Finally to our own Nelson Mandela, this great African leader, one who many leaders look up to throughout the world, took office in 1994, when he was 76, and he has since become an icon of leadership across the world. With these examples how can anyone use age as a factor for which one individual or the other should be denied the mantle of leadership, if that individual has all the qualities desired in a leader. Therefore for me, anyone who chooses to undertake this crusade of age, either does not know what he or she is talking about, or is just perpetuating an agenda of deception for personal selfish ambitions. Again, if any candidate hinges his campaign on the issue of his age, against that of the other, then for me, that marks an admission of incompetence, and the lack of leadership qualities. All individuals, if really qualified for any position, would hinge their ambition on their leadership qualities, their experience and competence, and not I am younger than he is, or am older than he is. MODERN TREND Now in pursuing this argument I know many would retort that there is a modern trend and that old leaders are a thing of the past. Really, is this really so? Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of India is 76, Mwai Kibaki, President of Kenya is 77, Raul Castro of Cuba is 77, Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal is 82, Jacob Zuma just elected this year is 67, Silvio Belusconi of Italy is 73, the new Japanese Prime Minister is 62 and the list goes on. So yet again it can't be true that there is a so called modern trend which brings out young leaders. There are still many old leaders as well as young ones. Still on my academic exercise, is it also not true that in the course of world history there have been numerous so called young leaders who have disappointed so much? I again I would give few examples - Yayeh Jammeh, the dictator in the Gambia took office at the age of 29 –and we are witnesses to the kind of leadership he is offering in the Gambia, our own Jerry Rawlings in 1979 was 32 and in 1981 on his second return was 34 and we know the kind of leadership he offered as compared to the NPP's John Agyekum Kufuor who took office at the age of 63; Shinzo Abe was elected in 2006 at the age of 52, he is till date Japan's youngest post war Prime Minister but he disappointed so much and had to resign just a year later due to mounting pressure. Indeed in the United States, the generally accepted worst Presidents include such personalities as Milliard Filmore who took office at the age of 50, Franklin Pierce who took office at the age of 49, Andrew Johnson who took office at the age of 57 and Warren G. Harding who took office at 56. I seriously believe that we should be serious as a Nation especially with our leadership; these arguments are ultimately about running our country so for anyone to imply that youth without knowledge and experience should run the country merely because of age is regrettable. Again, I don't think that anyone believes that the job of a President is that of a boxer or sprinter for which we need a young man; in which case most of those currently making the noises about age would not even qualify. I hope I have been able to prove that the brouhaha over age is a non-starter. Thus I do not see why Mr. Alan Kyerematen and his camp could even start this argument in the first place. As I stated earlier, this could be as a result of the acknowledgement of Nana Addo's credentials as a true leader, a visionary and above all a true blue Party man. My advice to Alan is that if he indeed finds himself capable then he should tout his capabilities, experience, vision and contribution to the party for this is the only way he can become flagbearer. In the run-up to the December 2007 congress, we saw how Kwabena Agyei Agyepong campaigned on this same issue of age and at the end of the day we all saw where it landed him. I hope Alan does not make the same mistake. For now, I will hold my breath. THE CHURCH OF GOD MUST STAND! AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) on 11/13/2009 7:13:36 PM - Art Blogs
 In our bid to better our lot and leave a formidable legacy for generations unborn, we may have stumbled on a number of occasions but that cannot erase our preparedness to stand together in our challenges. As people of the church, it is our righteous responsibility to right wrongs when they rear their ugly head in our society. It is also our intellectual responsibility to speak up when we know things are not going well in our society as expected. This is why it is oft-touted that the only way that evil thrives is when good men do nothing about their society. Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., cautioned that “our live begin to end the very day we keep silence about the things that matter”. If we are united today, present a common voice and do something about our environment, most things will be right. This is just today, what we do tomorrow will be up to people like you. Look beyond and let us stand together. This is why we must be FIERCE; it must be URGENT; it must be NOW! It must be THE FIERCE URGENCY OF NOW! By: AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) Development / Accra / Ghana / Africa / Modernghana.com Controversy Unlimited: Mindset Blues… Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/13/2009 6:47:13 PM - News Blogs
 Last Week Last week and that preceding it, I continued discussing herein, the attitude and complexities of behavioural patterns especially as they relate to the political sphere and political appointees. I asked for a thorough re-examination of the “Mpiani Questions” that asked why it is that Ghanaians love to envy and go the extra mile to yank from under the feet of successful people, that upon which their successes were engendered in the first place. One very disappointed sidekick sent me a text message, stating “your article was very good and I think it would have been better if you had used someone else other than Kwadwo Mpiani”. I immediately prayed for his soul. I also raised issues about the extent to which John Agyekum Kufuor has gone the extra mile in promoting the image and prestige of Ghana in the farthest reaches of the globe only for him to come back home and be ridiculed by especially those who think that the ship of state can and must be kept afloat on the waters of politically degenerate propaganda. Again I prayed for their souls. Simply because we have socio-political disagreements with people of high standing does not mean that we should calculate measures to bring them into public ridicule, especially when the heat is on and the electorate appears to be baying for the blood of propaganda's propagandists who have, courtesy of the same electorate, elevated such propagandists to temporary positions of authority with some questionable proximity to the real holders of political power. Missing JJ & JAK Sometimes, I really miss both ex-president Rawlings and his successor John Kufuor: at least with them, you know where things stood. As for these ones, you cannot tell whether they are Social Democrats, Democratic Socialists, Capitalists in socialistic garbs or simply confused people operating under the clueless tenets of an ideologically questionable background. Nothing about their actions, inactions or pronouncements point Ghanaians toward a direction or path that would inspire or galvanize the entire establishment to follow their undefined pathway irrespective of our reservations or inclinations. Truth be told, everybody is complaining, including our donor partners, who have started asking how come the rules governing our emerging oil industry are being changed faster than fashion catches up with hats and eye glasses: Who is constantly shifting the goal posts? Why do we think we can get away with these antics because some interests must be satisfied at the expense of our image, integrity and fortunes? Do we think those who come to Ghana for business and investments are fools? When I read that Chevron and two more of the 7 sisters in the crude oil business had elected not to even take a look at the share offers in Ghana's Jubilee Field, the political economist in me grieved for there is nothing more frightening than being written off by business interests, which looks for new opportunities for profit. If they have chosen to pass us over like the day of Passover when Jehovah did to Pharaoh what He alone can do, we must be concerned for one of the planks on which our future prosperity is hinged has been weakened by the constantly shifting rules of the petroleum sector. May I ask: Are the South Koreans still interested in building a pipeline from the offshore field to the coast? Why have they recoiled into their shell and withdrawn to Seoul? If all the official brouhaha is causing such worries in the Business sector, what can one say about the future of our up and coming little ones, not the youth who are already filled with despondency and despair borne out of disappointments premised on promises made and a stark inability to deliver same by the sitting government, but the little ones, the so-called future leaders of our country? When was the last time anyone took a long, hard look at the sort of advertisements running on both Radio and Television? Do we still have an Advertising Association of Ghana? Is it a mark of journalistic excellence to use both the electronic and print media to educate, entertain and inform? How come these days it looks at though it is only the entertainment value that seems to matter to us? Examples Perhaps a few examples would suffice: Take the perfumed Dove rice advertisement, ably promoted with classic dexterity by my balding partner in crime Kwami Sefa Kayi. This advert, while promoting that particular brand of rice has also inadvertently provided a good lesson for children in this Land of Our Death to master the art of telling lies in their infancy. If a “big man” can tell lies on the phone, claiming that a meeting has to be rescheduled because he is stuck in heavy traffic when indeed he is salivating at uneaten morsels of Dove Rice set before him while the children giggle, are we not using that to sow seeds of approval for “acceptable lies” in the minds of innocent children? What do we think these children would do when they grow into full-fledged citizens in responsible positions in a few years to come? Sigmund Freud gained prominence with his studies into the recall capabilities of individuals as far as the experiences of their childhoods were concerned. I leave the implications of a national advert on telling lies vis-à-vis the future inclinations of our children to your distinguished minds. If the Dove Rice ad is worrisome, then brace yourself for the “Anajo ye de” advertisement of Kasapa. Here, you have the case of a very infuriated husband, who to all intents and purposes, was expecting to spend some quality time with his wife in the late hours of the night only for that expectation to be dashed by a phone call to the Mrs. The obviously pleased wife, who talked for hours on end, had the effrontery to tell the suspicious husband that the call which she received and which lasted a few hours was indeed a “wrong number”. Now can you beat that? A wrong number that lasts for hours, courtesy of free night calls? Now anybody who has lived in England, to mention but one example, knows that free night calls start from 6pm. It is only in Ghana, that mobile phone companies are milking us dry by starting free night calls at 11 or 12 pm. So there we have it. We have lied to ourselves so much that even that which we should all enjoy, we are misleading ourselves about. How do we progress on the wings of lies? Which nation has ever succeeded on that? I cannot end this piece that questions that mindset of our people without taking yet another look at the Pure Milk ad. Frankly, it makes me ashamed to be a Ghanaian. I really am. Here is an innocent-looking young girl who in seeking to have a meal, looks for the milk that would complete her cereal diet. In her search and subsequent disappointment at not getting the milk, she discovers that her elder sister has 'commandeered' all the milk for the benefit of her visiting boyfriend. Persistent requests for some pure milk ends in her being dismissed so what does she do? Take the phone and initiate blackmail procedures against her elder sister by questioning, “Does Daddy know he is here?” with her forefinger pointing at an obviously shocked and petrified visiting boyfriend and much to the chagrin of her elder sister? Needless to say, she gets the milk and the voice over adds “Pure Genius”. Pure genius? Somebody help me; blackmail from a child is now pure genius? So once again, we are being taught that if you need something that seems unattainable due to some constraints, your best bet is to traverse the path of blackmail. Are we not teaching our children to be looking for things that would compromise the elderly for their own selfish interests? Which country progresses on such cultural norms and mores? Captain Planet Do we remember why Captain Planet was taken off the GTV screens? It was because some innocent kid (may his soul rest in peace) climbed the roof of their Tema home to combine powers and dive down to rescue the 'perishing'. We are teaching dangerous things to our kids; we are mortgaging the future of this country on the altar of bad advertisements. We are painting a sorry picture of ourselves as people who cannot promote any cause unless it is firmly ensconced in the clutches of negative thinking. Gradually and subtly, we are telling ourselves that the images the outside world carries about Africa are true, for whether it is our films, where witchcraft and deprivation are given ovational ovations, or our political discussions where the need to score political points induces us to cast decorum into the dustbin, or our marketing and advertising strategists that are competing to see who comes out with the basest of negative promotions using children as actors, or our pastoral brethren who have taken delight in dividing families with their false prophesies and “pray for me” tricks, everything around us is radiating negative negativities. At the time of concluding this article, some malcontents within the ruling party in Tamale, had issued a three-day ultimatum to the Municipal Chief Executive that if they are not provided jobs within their self-imposed and unilaterally declared time frame, they would embark on an arson spree targeted at the structures of the party. Can we now see what forms the little seeds of blackmail we inadvertently advertise can take or sow in the minds of the restless and despondent youth I mentioned above? Now if negativity is fast becoming the accepted norm in this land called Ghana, what, with all due respect, does that say about our mindset as individuals, a society and ultimately a nation? Until we proffer real and workable solutions in subsequent articles, may Jehovah-Tsori show Himself strong, at least on behalf of the children of this land. Peugeot Hybrid3 Evolution Concept Charles Larbi on 11/12/2009 4:57:06 PM - Technology Blogs
 Introduced a year ago under the name HyMotion3, the 3-wheel hybrid scooter from Peugeot devenur Hybrid 3 (Volkswagen probably been there since the name HyMotion is made for vehicles to fuel cell of the German group). The second development is losing its way hardtop BMW C1, but also seems much more realistic in its entirety. The principle has not changed, a heat engine to the rear wheel, a 300 cm3 always packed, and two electric motors for the front wheels separated by 82 cm. Read more here The Police, BNI and the Rule of Law Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/11/2009 8:27:27 PM - Law Blogs
 INTRODUCTION The rights of individuals, according to A.V. Dicey (1), are determined by legal rules and not the arbitrary behaviour of authorities- whether elected or appointed. There can be no punishment unless a competent court decides there has been a breach of law. Thus everyone, regardless of his/her position in society, is subject to the law. The critical feature to this rule is that the realisation of individual liberties depended not only on the role of trial by jury and the impartiality of judges, but also hinges on Prerogative Orders. Ghana In Retrospect In the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana, the President and by extension his ministers of state wield the prerogative powers. The imports of rule of law, is that the prerogative powers of the King and in our current consideration the Executive- be it Presidential, Parliamentary or a fusion of both- as the Ghanaian Constitution appears, must be exercised with discretion. A.V. Dicey (ibid) defines Prerogative Orders as the residue of discretionary or arbitrary authority, which at any given time, is legally left in the hands of the Crown and in our modern societies, as in the Republic of Ghana, often exercised by either (un)elected ministers of state as well as inherent powers and discretions granted by states’ constitutions to governmental institutions and/or agencies. Yet the prescripts and dictates of civil society, and here God-given rights considerations have come to contain their scope of operations through various human rights legislations. It is suggested that this observation, is undoubtedly right in that the answer to the question of what constitutes prerogative powers as evoked by most presidents and their appointed ministers varies depending on whether the commentator was a staunch monarchist or not and/or s/he believed in the doctrine of the divine right of kings or not. So in The Royal Prerogative Revisited ((1965)) AC 75, Lord Reid seemed to suggest at 99 that it is extremely difficult and yes, to be precise about the definition of Prerogative Order because in former times there was seldom a clear cut view of constitution position. In other words the ‘constitutional position’ was as much political statement as a matter of legal fact. Lord Reid clarified by pointing out the uncertainty inherent in prerogative- that the old authorities may not be satisfactory to modern era: “I think we should beware of looking at the older authorities through modern spectacles. We ought not to ignore many changes in Constitutional law theory which culminated in the Revolution Settlement of 1688-1689 and there is practically no authority between that date and 1915,” he reasoned. What then, was the ‘Revolution Settlement of 1688-1689? Dr Edward Vallance (3) writes that the Revolution replaced the reigning king, James II, with the joint monarchy of his protestant daughter Mary and her Dutch husband, William of Orange… Yes even the Kingdom of Great Britain where Republic of Ghana arguably, benefited much from its institutional architecture (politics/societal norms), has indeed its own odds. Central Government It is contended that central government has sought and seeks to weaken the three basic tenets of Dicey’s code with an increase in things such as: the Official Secrets Act, the attempt to remove an individual’s right to trial by jury, the activities of the Secret Service (after 9/11) in removing what were considered traditional rights (such as the workers right at GCHQ to belong to a trade union under the Thatcher (restored, since 1997). Not forgetting the gagging clause that now has to be signed by those in the Civil Service after the Clive Ponting and Belgrano issue shortly after the end of the said Falklands War. Introspectively argued, in the Republic of Ghana various civil/military regimes had also sought to weaken individual freedoms and liberties. So even in our current democratic trials many had come to the conclusion idea that state actions, could be beyond rebuke? Under the heading “BNI can interrogate you without counsel” (myjoyonline, Thursday 19 June 2009), a leading member of the ruling National Democratic Congress Mr. David Annan, submitted that the Bureau of National Investigations (BNI), violates no law of the land when any of its personnel interrogate people in the absence of their counsel. “The fact that Article 14 (2) (of the constitution) does say that a person who is arrested, restricted or detained must be informed in detail of the reasons for his arrest and the right to a counsel of his choice does not mean that after the arrest, restriction or detention and after them informing you of your right to the lawyer of your choice, that lawyer goes through every single procedure that then follows,” lawyer Annan had said. Mr. Annan is said to have argued that “from practitioner point of view, counsel comes in when you have to write a statement, and that that has been the practice so far.” In the Kingdom of Great Britain, individual(s)- be you a citizen or foreigner (White Brits or minorities), still retain a great measure of personal freedom although many, it is argued, and it seems so, will never be affected by the Official Secrets Act or the activities of Britain’s secret services (though it is said, many may not know if they are being investigated or not). The argument here is that as a law-abiding citizen- you need never worry about organisations such as the Police, MI5 and MI6 because there are rules and indeed bodies– such as the Council of Tribunals and the Parliamentary Commissioner that theoretically monitor and yes, oversee the work/activities of these government agencies. It is undoubtedly true that these bodies help to protect the rights of the individual at the expense of any unjustified incursions into their personal freedom by government agencies. In the context of judicial practice, there are for example, three Prerogative Orders: Certiorari calls a case up from an inferior court to a superior one to ensure justice is done. Prohibition prevents an inferior court from hearing a case it does not have the power to listen to and Mandamus orders an inferior court to carry out its duties. It might have been this premise that various political and legal commentators had construed Lord Reid’s legal position on royal prerogative of state functionaries to mean that the old authorities have to be read in their context, which includes constitutional theory as well as law- meaning political and practical political arrangement of each era. Legal Twist The legal twist in Ghana today appears to be the right to intimation and legal advice for individuals suspected of criminal offence. The old practice, as our learned David Annan seems to allude here, is the rather uncomfortable truth about how perhaps out of frustration, security services and sometimes, the civilian population, mishandled alleged criminals. More often than not some are mercilessly, beaten and in worse cases, killed. For this reason we are told by Mr Annan- counsel for the jailed armed-robber Atta Ayi that in Ghana, “the law is that evidence, no matter how improperly it is obtained, is admissible in court if it is relevant to the matter.”If you give answers that incriminate, it is for your lawyer to before then, tell you that ‘do not answer any question which will incriminate you’. What answer will incriminate you is particularly within your own knowledge, you are the only one who knows what answer will incriminate you so your lawyer is not supposed to be answering questions…,” the Ghanaian legal practitioner and, NDC guru Annan had told JoyFM’s Super Morning Show presenter Kojo Oppong-Nkrumah. Indeed lawyers are neither trained to mislead the court nor champion the cause of inconsistent client but we could sense the obvious bottlenecks and frustrations within our judicial system. But make no haste in throwing stones in that even in the Kingdom of Great Britain with the said constitutional experiment since 1066, some supporters of a written and clearly defined constitution concede with some justification that a modern society such as the UK and in our present case Republic Ghana, with nearly out-of-control cases of immigration controls at our porous frontiers, arm robberies and contract killings, bodies like BNI, MI5 and MI6 are surely needed. Simply because there might be a tiny number of individuals who might yes, wish to subvert society and have to be dealt with ruthlessly. Yet Mr Ace Ankomah, another legal practitioner, according to the report, disagreed with the NDC legal luminary Annan, arguing that the right to counsel is not as hollow as he is putting it- that it is at the point of bail that” the counsel must be present. “When you are arrested, at every stage of your being questioned, you are entitled to have the lawyer of your choice present or you (can) say ‘I will not answer the questions if my lawyer is not present,’” he stated. In making his case Ankomah refreshed learned Annan’s memory on The Republic vs Otoo and Kwapong, where in the words of Ankoma, the defendants had been called upon to speak on matters which might incriminate them, but they refused to speak, and were taken to court on contempt where the court held that no, you could not compel them to speak under those circumstances.” From this reasoning, learned Ankoma is said to have submitted that the “most reasonable and sensible thing to do is to recognize the meaning of the right to counsel- the lawyer being there and being an advocate, he is not answering questions but he is guiding his client.” This is consistent with perhaps, the imports of one of the most famous legislations in UK. Police Powers and Authority We begin by highlighting that the police like all other security agencies, are not our enemies but rather, friendly forces who rely on our co-operation to be efficient in their roles. The fundamental role of the security forces and here- the Police and the Bureau of National Investigations (BNI)- an offshoot of the then “Special Branch” of the Ghana Police Force, is to protect life, property and in the judgement of JusticeGhana, individual freedoms and liberty. For example, Article 200(1) states that there shall be Police Service of Ghana; (2) No person or authority shall raise any police service except by or under the authority of an Act of Parliament. Sub-section 3 provides that the Police Service shall be equipped and maintained to perform its traditional role of maintaining law and order. The performance of this role is guided by the spirit and letter of the Preambles of the Constitution which are- friendship and peace with all peoples of the world; and above all, commitment to the Rule of Law- Freedom, Justice, Probity and Accountability. These are reinforced in the provisions of Chapter Five and indeed Chapter Six of the Constitution. Article 12 to 41, set out a whole range of fundamental human rights and freedoms considerations as well as state policy directives and principles. But like any member of the Executive and here, law enforcement agents around the world; it is certainly true that some of their (in)actions might be undoubtedly professionally biased in favour of the ruling government which is/was the source of their power, influence and authority. So there are instances where police (in)actions might be even politically/culturally personal. Perhaps, it is in response to some of these cries and wails of the general public that the UK legislators came up with the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) and its accompanied Codes of Practice. These provide the fundamental regime of police powers and safeguards of reoccurring and contentious issues such as stop and search, arrest, detention, investigation, identification and interviewing detainees. According to UK Home Office, PACE sets out to strike the right balance between the powers of the police and the rights and freedoms of the public- maintaining that balance is a key element of PACE. Comparative Interest What is of comparative interest here is that under traditional English common law which our learned Annan points out, improperly obtained evidence has always been prima facie admissible so long as it was relevant to an issue in the case. In Kuruma v. The Queen [1955] A.C. 197 ((an unlawful search by the police,)) Lord Goddard rejected the contention that evidence illegally obtained was inadmissible by saying that: “the test to be applied in considering whether evidence is admissible is whether it is relevant to the matters in issue. If it is, it is admissible and the court is not concerned with how the evidence was obtained”. Yet he went on to say that: “No doubt in a criminal case the judge always has a discretion to disallow evidence if the strict rules of admissibility would operate unfairly against an accused”. For example, under the current UK law- PACE S.78, evidence obtained by tricks, entrapments or coerced confession could be inadmissible. For example, unlike Kuruma, in the UK FA Cup-winning club manager Harry Redknapp’s High Court case (Times Online, 23 May 2008), Lord Justice Latham and Mr Justice Underhill had said that flaws in the arrest warrant were “wholly unacceptable” and that “the obtaining of a search warrant is never to be treated as a formality ((because)) it authorises the invasion of a person’s home”. The police staged a dawn raid on his home in Sandbanks, Dorset, while he was returning from watching a match in Germany. According to Times, when Redknapp went voluntarily from Gatwick to meet officers at Chichester police station later that day, he was arrested and put in a cell in connection with an inquiry into football transfers at the Portsmouth club but was freed later on bail. Mr Redknapp successfully sued City of London Police on two grounds: that the police failed to explain to a magistrate why they needed a warrant: why they thought that they could not communicate with the occupier, why the occupier would not let them in or why it was suspected that the subject of the investigation might destroy evidence. The other argument was that the document omitted his address. The search warrant given to Mrs Redknapp while her husband was away, failed to state that police were entitled to search that home. It was deemed therefore, as trespass and police will have to pay £1000 damages, which will be donated to charity. The force was also ordered to pay 25 per cent of Redknapp’s legal costs. This case cost the UK tax payer around £50,000. In Ghana, there had been instances where BNI officials, with conflicting defined roles, are engaged in ordinary immigration/police duties as passport controls and impounding cars. The lessons here are that notwithstanding the complexities of modern crimes, any attempt on the part of law enforcer to rush or swim hurriedly through the process might not only have adverse effect on the poor who could hardly engage skilful lawyers in defence of an allegation that s/he might be innocent but also could even glorify a well-known alleged corporate or political crimes because of perceived bad faith, abuse of process, and improper conduct of the law enforcement agents. In UK, the police’s failure, before questioning or interviewing, to caution (Code C 10, PACE) a suspect about the consequences of his right to silence and its plausible adverse inferences in future trial, might likely affect the prosecution’s case. So could the failure to inform him about his right to legal advice (s58 PACE) and where possible, to intimation- making someone of his choice aware of his arrest/detention (s56 PACE). JusticeGhana.com may be sounding like “neo-colonial provocateur”. But since Ghana has neither “State Duma, Reichstag nor asafo/police”, but rather Parliament/Supreme Court, it may have been honest apprentice. Conclusion It seems but with caution that no matter the magnitude of our crimes, the security forces, cannot interrogate you if we were to exhaust any of the cited human rights. The old rules no longer apply- thus, the basic principles on the role of lawyers, as adopted by the Eighth UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders (Havana, Cuba, 27 Aug. - 7 Sept. 1990), among others, “is to advising clients as to their legal rights and obligations, and as to the working of the legal system in so far as it is relevant to the legal rights and obligations of the clients…” If not, why academics/ legal practitioners hunt not only for relevant rules but also, attempt to expose its flaws? By Justicehana.com/The OmanbaPa Research Group The culture of politics in Bangladesh Jahangir Akash on 11/11/2009 8:23:55 PM - News Blogs
 For around 20 years, I have been writing against corruption, Islamic militancy, religious minority oppression, state torture and the abuse of power in my home country of Bangladesh. I have worked for The Daily Sangbad - the oldest Bengali national newspaper -, Dainik Bangla, Ajker Kagoj, Banglar Bani, as well as the New Nation, the Morning Sun, the News Day, Ekushey Television, CSB News, the Associated Press of Bangladesh, The Editor.Net and the Bengali language service of Deutsche Welle (DW), dainik Patrika, dainik Uttar Bangla, dainik Teesta, etc. I also worked with human rights organizations, such as the Bangladesh Rehabilitation Centre for Trauma Victims (BRCT), the Task Force against Torture and the Bangladesh Institute for Human Rights (BIHR). And I was the executive editor of the monthly publication Manabadhiker Anusandhani. At present, I am the editor and publisher for the online news portal Human Rights Today.Info, which promotes press freedom, human rights and minority rights in Bangladesh. For a decade, I have been conducting investigative journalism on the issues of Islamic militancy, extrajudicial killings, women’s and children’s rights, oppression of minorities and indigenous peoples, and corruption in Bangladesh. I am working for peace, democracy and the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples, as well as for human rights. For simply doing my professional duty, my whole family and I have paid a high price financially, mentally, physically, socially and politically. After the last general election, we heard that my father-in-law, Tajul Islam Mohammad Faruque, a former Member of Parliament, lost his nomination for the MP election from the Bangladesh Awami League. It was because I was campaigning against extrajudicial state killings that have been conducted by the elite RAB force. This is despite the fact that he has been working with the Bangladesh Awami League over the last 42 years. He is currently also the president of the Bangladesh Awami League for the Rajshahi district. Mr. Tajul Islam M. Faruque and Fazle Hossen Badsha organized a movement against militancy in Rajshahi. Not only that, but, at first, Mr. Faruque protested against minority repression as a political leader in Rajshahi under the rule of the BNP-Jamaat regime. We also heard that Mr. Faruque lost his nomination due to lack of money, my professional activities and the hostility of AHM Khairuzzaman Liton, the present mayor of Rajshahi. There is a rumor that the nominated candidate for the Bangladesh Awami League gave a huge amount of money to the party fund for the Rajshahi-5 seat (Puthia-Durgapur), which is the seat that Mr. Faruque desired a nomination for. Grassroots leaders were also in favor of the nomination going to Mr. Faruque. This is the culture of politics in Bangladesh. Leveraging Ghana`s appearance at the 2010 World Cup Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/10/2009 5:51:31 PM - Sports Blogs
 History has it that it was Mari Djata, the King of Mali who defeated the Kingdom of Ghana in Western Sudan in the year 1076. As a result, many of the conquered people fled southwards and eventually, it is believed, reached as far as Ashanti and the coastal plains of the Gold Coast. Of this the prevailing theory links the Akan people of the present Ghana, by direct descent, with the people of the great Kingdom of Ghana, which flourished in the old Ghana more than a thousand years ago. Thus, the brand should by all imagination encompass all our achievements as a people and individual exploits in whatever field of endeavour; our collective and individual failures; our culture; our music; our way of life; our languages; our hospitality; our politics; our leadership; our religions; people's perceptions of who and what we are; as well as our hurts and emotions. I will also go with the sentiments expressed by my brother and friend, Ibrahim Mohammed Awal, the MD of Graphic Communications Group at the recent lecture organised by the Institute of Public Relations, under the theme, 'Re-positioning the Brand: National and Corporate Considerations'; and as well commend the setting up of the national Brand Ghana Secretariat. Indeed, it was for this that we invited the Secretariat's CEO to be part of this Workshop and deliver the paper you just heard. For me, the exploits of our sportsmen and women from the period of Gold Coast, pre-independence to date from Mike Ahey, Alice Anum, Floyd Robertson, Joe Tetteh, Azumah Nelson, D. K. Poison, the Black Stars Team that held Real Madrid F/C to a pulsating 3-3 draw, C. K. Gyamfi, Osei Kofi, Aggrey Fynn, Edward Acquah, Abedi Pele Ayew, 'Abetifi Mustang', Mohammed Polo and many others not mentioned have all helped by their exploits in the field of sports to add value to the brand GHANA. Outside sports, we can look at such personalities as Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, whose centenary we have celebrated this year, H. E. Kofi Annan, Alex Quaison-Sackey, Dr. Robert Gardiner, Emmanuel Amoako of the ECA, Cardinal Peter Kojo Appiah Turkson, and Prof. Allotey, who have all also added value to the brand GHANA by their exploits of international dimensions. Satellites' Value Added Exploits It is in this context that we should place the magnitude of the impact of the recent triumph of the Black Satellites at the FIFA Under-20 World Cup, Egypt 2009 Championship, especially considering the manner in which the finals was played and won against Brazil with 10-men for more than 80 minutes of the game. The value of this achievements and the premium it has added in enhancing this brand can only be left for posterity to determine. Legacy Of Germany 2006 World Cup Again, the legacy of the Black Stars' performance at the last FIFA World Cup, Germany 2006 and the fulfillment of Roger Milla's prophesy that the world had seen nothing of the beauty and flair of the African Football Play with his country, Cameroon's performance till the day of the arrival of the Black Stars, Ghana's National Team - is also a critical part of the enhancement of the same branding. The 2010 World Cup Platform What the key assignment is for me and all of us, is how to manage the performance of Ghana's second appearance at the South Africa 2010 World Cup to further achieve part of the goals for the setting up of the Brand GHANA Secretariat and for all the reasons that in the past decade or two, we have all been so conscious of branding and the need to re-position this brand. There cannot be a better platform and timing for us as a people than the South Africa 2010 World Cup, an instant and willing TV audience of over 45 billion cumulative, 208 countries, one tournament staged for the first time on the African continent: what more can we ask? The onus is on all of us, not just the Ghana Football Association (GFA), the Ministry of Youth and Sports or the Government but most importantly, Corporate Ghana – the ultimate beneficiary of all these brand enhancements to reach fort and support this enterprise to maximize the diverse and multiple benefits therefrom. Trade & Investment Roadshows One of the major benefits to accrue to Corporate Ghana, through piggy-backing on Ghana's second appearance at South Africa 2010 World Cup is through the hosting and organisation of trade and investment roadshows in the city or cities that the team will be based for the period of the tournament. If what happened at Germany 2006 World Cup is any indicator of what we should expect then there will be an influx of mass of people of all nationalities, officials and guests of both FIFA and CAF following the exploits of the team, and most importantly the world media to capture all scenes related to Ghana for global audience. Thus, any utilization of this platform will offer us more than a unique platform to showcase not only brand GHANA but also optimize the exposure to be offered for the following activities:- Traditional Ghanaian Cuisine / Food, Cultural & Musical Expo I t will be important that for the period of Ghana's participation in the 2010 World Cup, we are able to host and organise a Traditional Ghanaian Cuisine / Food, Cultural & Musical Expo to showcase this part of our life or brand to the world in conjunction with the Ghana High Commission to South Africa. It should be possible for the Ministry of Youth and Sports to coordinate this programme with the various stakeholders involved, including the MUSIGA, the National Commission of Culture, the Traditional Caterers Association and the Ministry of Chieftaincy. It should again be possible for this expo to include a session on Arts & Crafts, Textiles, Beads and Jewelry that reflect the depth and diversity of our cultural industries to the world, and I have no doubt in my mind whatsoever that we could earn a sizeable foreign exchange from the influx of international supporters who will follow the exploits of the team as well as from curious South Africans. Showcasing Ghana's Tourism & Sports Tourism Potentials The Ministry of Tourism, the Ghana Tourist Board, the Museums & Monuments Board, the Ghana Hoteliers Association, the Ghana Travel & Tours Association, and the Ghana Tour Guides Association should be able to coordinate an exposition that will showcase Ghana's tourism potentials in the host city / cities of the Black Stars with various packages, well-documented and supported with colourful brochures. Again, this is the opportunity for the National Sports Council and the Ghana Tourist Board to present Ghana as Africa's preferred sports events destination to the world, following our successful hosting and organisation of the following events:- The 11th African Youth Football Championship, Ghana '99; The 22nd Africa Cup of Nations, Ghana 2000 Football Championship; The 26th MTN Africa Cup of Nations, Ghana 2008 Football Championship; and The 9th AfHF Hockey Africa Cup for Nations, Ghana 2009 Championship. There cannot be any better platform than the South Africa 2010 World Cup to showcase all the sporting facilities we have acquired through these events to buttress our position as one of the leaders for Sports Tourism in Africa. Maybe, this should be the beginning of a closer collaboration between the Ghana Tourist Board, the National Sports Council, the Ghana Football Association (GFA), and the Ghana League Clubs Association (GHALCA) to promote domestic tourism through the various football leagues in the country. Trade & Investment Exposition Our drive to promote trade and investment in the country, I am confident will be boosted by a concerted effort by all stakeholders to join the train of GHANA FOR SOUTH AFRICA 2010 with a joint Trade & Investment Exposition at the host city / cities of the Black Stars. I am looking at the possibility of the showcase including segments for our Oil & Gas Opportunities, Ghana Chocolate Fair, and Mining - looking at the quantum of current South African interests in the country. It will thus be critical for the Ministry of Trade & Industry, the Association of Ghana Industries (AGI), the Ghana National Chamber of Commerce & Industry (GNCCI), the Ghana Free Zones Board (GFZB) and the Ghana Export Promotion Council (GEPC) amongst others to manage this for maximum effect. I would also wish to challenge some metropolitan assemblies to use the platform offered by the World Cup to tag along and promote their areas as well. Attracting South Africa Investors Recently, the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre (GIPC) undertook a successful business trip to South Africa and this is to be applauded. I am, however persuaded that using the platform of the 2010 World Cup to showcase the various investment packages and opportunities available in the country, would re-position the GIPC to the new realization of the uniqueness of the international football platform for such enterprise. It will critical for the GIPC to join the GHANA FOR SOUTH AFRICA 2010 in collaboration with Brand GHANA Secretariat to synchronise and manage the entire campaign effectively and efficiently in order to optimize the returns that would accrue to us as a nation and people. Most importantly, I would relish the possibility of say, the New Times Corporation, the Graphic Communications Group and other private media houses running special editions of their publication, either daily or weekly for distribution in South Africa at the team's host city / cities during the tournament as part of this special campaign, when the world cup is hosted for the first time and possibly for the next two decades in Africa. This will also afford the world to see the extent of the development and growth of our media. Supporters Currently, there are a number of supporters groups operating in the country, including the Nationwide Supporters Union (NSU), and the Millennium Supporters Union (MUSUGA) – all desiring to go to South Africa to support the Black Stars. Considering all the restrictions that the FIFA World Cup brand places on a number of possibilities, it would be prudent that in sourcing for sponsorship to make the trip, advice is sought from the requisite authorities so that none falls foul of the FIFA anti-ambush marketing drive against wear for the various stadia for mass of supporters. Advisory Services For Supporters In this regard, finalist national associations, including the GFA, are strongly urged to set up organised centres in South Africa to which supporters may congregate between their team's matches. I want to believe also that the South Africa High Commission will set up an advisory service in the country to provide supporters with information on their laws, codes of behaviour and local customs. South African Companies Operating In Ghana & Social Responsibilities The 2010 South Africa World Cup is a fine opportunity for South Africa companies operating in the country to be at their corporate best and budget for the tournament to cater for support for the Black Stars as well as loyal customers and staff, under corporate social responsibility for the 2010 financial year. Conclusion First, permit me to admit that I lack the finesse, expertise and even the courage to do justice to the topic that is why I opted for the easy way out with an overview, just thoughts of how I think we should as a people look at Ghana's second appearance at the World Cup. I have always held the view that football offers us more than just enjoying a passion that binds more as a nation during moments of international exploits of our national teams. I believe, granted the opportunity, we will begin to see and appreciate the other immense possibilities that such events as the World Cup offer us to enhance the brand Ghana and grow our businesses locally. Ghana's tourism becomes the target of a Zimbabwean company Charles Larbi on 11/10/2009 5:48:03 PM - Travel Blogs
 Mr. Shingi Munyeza was quoted in a speech that, the company will float 20% of its issued share capital on the JSE to raise funds for investments in Ghana. He also said that 27% of the company's revenue comes from Ghana. He stated that due to the country's economic stability as well as the increased activities in the tourism industry, Ghana has become a conducive place for investment. They will be investing in a well a known hotel, Holiday. Read more here http://news.pathghana.com/ghanas-tourism-becomes-the-target-of-a-zimbabwean-company-14.html Leveraging Ghana's appearance at the 2010 World Cup Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/9/2009 10:35:27 PM - Sports Blogs
There are various levels of commercial partnership, with each of these commercial partners having total exclusivity within its respective product and or service category. The sponsors for the South Africa 2010 World Cup are Budweiser, Continental, MTN, Castrol, McDonalds, and Satyam; whilst the partners are Adidas, Emirates, Sony, Coca Cola, Hyundai and Visa. The use of appellations such as 'Official Sponsor', 'Official Supplier', 'Partner', 'Product / Service', and 'Licensee' in connection with the FIFA World Cup is strictly limited to the official partners. Such restrictions also apply to the use or adaptation of the official logo of South Africa 2010 and of FIFA, to the official mascot of South Africa 2010 ('Zakumi') and to the image of the FIFA World Cup trophy, as well as to designations such as “FIFA World Cup”, “World Cup Team”, “South Africa 2010” and others, also in other languages. The FIFA Fair Play logo also falls under these restrictions. At the same time, certain advertising restrictions are imposed under FIFA's contract with the international television consortium. In all case, restrictions are enforced in order to ensure the long-term continuity of FIFA's sponsorship programme, which in turn guarantees the economic basis for this and future editions of the World Cup. It is therefore not only legally essential, but also in the interests of football as a whole, that these commercial regulations are always respected. NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OR PARTICIPATING NATIONS FIFA also recognizes that the national associations have commercial partners of their own, and effort is made to permit their presence in a controlled manner during the World Cup finals. However, the status of national team sponsors does not give such companies any right to associate themselves in any way with the World Cup itself, with the official logos and mascots, or with FIFA. However, there are no restrictions regarding advertising on players' equipment during training sessions on non-match days, either at the teams' own training-ground or in the World Cup stadium. Furthermore, it is expressly forbidden, under FIFA Statutes, for any members of team official delegations to make any form of political or religious statement, by whatever means, in any part of the entire stadium area at any time. It is similarly forbidden for delegations to encourage fans or other non-official persons to attempt to make such statements. TRAINING GROUNDS & ADVERTISING OPPORTUNITIES It must be noted that whilst advertising in the South Africa 2010 stadia is strictly reserved for the official sponsors of the FIFA World Cup; and at the official training-grounds used by the teams during the official period of the World Cup reserved for the official partners; the finalist national associations are free to conclude agreements, as they may wish, with owners or authorities of grounds used for training before the official period i.e. 5 days before the first match. However, during their training sessions, the players' clothing may display the national teams' sponsors. ARRANGED CAMPS & UNOFFICIAL TRAINING PERIODS It must also be noted that camps arranged by the associations of their own accord in other grounds during the unofficial training period (i.e. six days or more before the teams' first match) to acclimatize and train for the World Cup are not affected by these restrictions. During this unofficial training period, the owners of the grounds are free to display advertising of their choice in their grounds, and national associations may, with the agreement of the training ground owners and the 2010 South Africa LOC, also display their own advertisements in the grounds. NATIONAL TEAMS' SPONSORS & PRESS CONFERENCES Again, national team sponsors may also be promoted at press conferences held by teams in their hotels or in other areas which the associations may have organised, at its cost, for media or public relations activities. That is a clear opportunity or window that could be used well for the purposes of this workshop. NATIONAL TEAMS' SPONSORS & PROHIBITION FROM LINKAGES It must be stressed also that national teams' sponsors are prohibited from being linked in any way with the FIFA World Cup, South Africa 2010 either before, during or after the final competition. National Teams' sponsors may claim distinct and exclusive connections with a certain team, say Ghana Black Stars, but not with the FIFA World Cup, South Africa 2010. APPRECIATION OF BACKGROUND Certainly, there are a number of restrictions associated with participation of any nation in the FIFA World Cup, South Africa 2010 inclusive. It is for this cardinal reason that this workshop should be placed in its proper perspective so that as a nation we can appreciate the bigger picture if we are to maximize the benefits that will accrue to us, even outside football as we piggy-back. Business Opportunities The platform provided by the Ghana's appearance at the 2010 World Cup should be seen more by the bigger picture of national aspirations and goals, and that is, how can we harness the accruing opportunities to not only grow local businesses but also enhance the GHANA brand. Merchandising & Licensing Rights: Black Stars & FIFA Industry analysts estimate the value of the global market for sales of licensed merchandise is in excess of US$170 billion per year (License! Magazine, 2005) and sport accounts for about 11 per cent of the global market. For sports rights owners of all sizes, Licensing & Merchandising (L&M) is an essential part of the business mix, both producing revenue and re-enforcing the sense of fan identity and belonging. L&M is one of the most powerful contemporary forms of marketing and brand extension available to brand owners, including Ghana, today. Sports rights owners face a raft of issues from accessing new and developing markets to establishing the limits of brand extension; and from maximising retail performance to fulfilling the ever growing potential of new media. Thus, L&M in the context of the 2010 World Cup should be seen not just in terms of realizing new revenue opportunities, but on how to use both to take one's brand to the consumer. There are two clear opportunities for licensing and merchandising. The first is with the Black Stars / Ghana: here the major interest will be the sale of flags in South Africa in addition to replica PUMA shirts. I am not too sure which state institution is responsible for who should have the rights to produce and sell Ghana flags, either in the country or outside? This is one area where those involved will have a field day. This will not be the case with the Black Stars over the sale of replica jerseys. The official kit sponsor of the team is PUMA, and until it nominates a Licensee, will be handling all replica jerseys, within the FIFA restrictions. Again, with South Africa's strict anti-ambush marketing laws, anybody who will attempt to cash in on this business will definitely face the full rigors of the law. There is the possibility of business for a PUMA Licensee to secure the rights to exclusively market and distribute the team's replicas, both in Ghana and South Africa. It is also important to note that, no articles intended for commercial use (such as players' shirts for fans - replicas) may bear the legally protected official emblem, mascot or trophy unless permission has previously been granted by the rights holders, FIFA. Under no circumstances may players' shirts intended for sale to fans bear the competition designation, FIFA WORLD CUP SOUTH AFRICA 2010. The beauty of the South Africa expectations is that FIFA itself will be marketing its range of apparel, accessories and footballs in Africa through sub-licensees in various countries across the continent. This is also a fine opportunity for a local distributor, wholesaler and or retailer to make business and grow revenues in Ghana. TV Live Telecasts There are certain advertising restrictions imposed under FIFA's contract with the international television consortium, and this was made manifest during the recent FIFA Under-20, Egypt 2009 as well as the on-going FIFA Under-17, Nigeria 2009 World Cup tournaments. For me, my heart is gladdened by an experiment which was initiated during the 26th Africa Cup of Nations, Ghana 2008 Championship when the opportunity was offered to all TV networks in the country to form a consortium to be able to carry the entire tournament live and earn some income. This has advised the current understanding of Ghana TV Consortium, made up of the three local TV Networks – GTV, Metro TV and TV3 – handling the TV, Radio, Video Screen, Video Centres, Public Centres and Internet Broadcast rights for the FIFA / AUB official media rights owners of all FIFA events to be telecast live / delayed in Ghana, including the telecasting of the three FIFA world cups, incidentally all hosted on the African continent – Egypt 2009, Nigeria 2009 and South Africa 2010. The rights of the Ghana TV Consortium include:- 1.2.1 Radio Free-to-Air rights in Ghana for Off-Tube Commentary in all languages; 1.2.2 Non-exclusive Large TV / Video Screen Projection in Ghana, i.e. any use of the above tournaments free-to-air TV signal in Ghana for commercial or promotional purposes through:- Video Screen projection, or large TV screen in any enclosed halls such as auditoriums, conference halls & centres, theatres in Ghana; and the use of video screen projection, or large TV screens, in any outdoor venues such as Public Centres, Parks, Regional Centres, Cultural Centres, Mass Bars / Restaurants promotions in Ghana. It is very important to emphasize that it is therefore illegal and an offense for anybody to use free-to-air TV signal of “FIFA World Cup Events” without the requisite consents, or access fee, be it for free, promotional or commercial use. Fan Zones & Public Viewing Now the issue of Fan Zones and Public Viewing in Ghana is clear: it is illegal, unless it is with the requisite consents or access fee payments. Prospective sponsors of such enterprise should insist on the requisite consents before participating in such events. Corporate Hospitality's Franchise The license for corporate hospitality for the 2010 South Africa has been secured by a company and it is important that all institutions desirous of acquiring corporate seating, engages this company, especially those who would want to use the event to reward loyal customers and employees. I want to believe that this company can also offer other incidental services to facilitate any package desired by any Ghanaian company. Personally, considering the hazards of the business of securing tickets in confined same area(s) to accommodate a number of customers or staff, it is prudent to engage the services of licensees for such exercise. Human rights situation in Bangladesh worsens Jahangir Akash on 11/9/2009 10:35:17 PM - News Blogs
 In Bangladesh, the real situation of human rights does not resemble the U.S. state department’s report. Almost every day, violations of human rights occur in various forms. Religious minorities, including Hindus and Christians, are in a panic. Repression of religious minorities is happening throughout the country. There are innumerable examples of the repression of religious minorities under the present regime in Bangladesh. Here is a list: On June 30, a schoolteacher, Akhil Chandra Saha, was killed by miscreants at Charghat in Rajshahi. Since then, the 21 minority Hindu families of Miapur village have been in a panic. A sensational incident of minority oppression happened in August, when armed criminals forced Nitai Chandra Das, 70; his cousin Shambhu Das, 50; Shambhu’s wife Kajol Rani Das, 42; her son Sajal, 14, and daughter Swarna, 8; Shambhu’s brother Mohabir Das, 45; his wife Lakshmi Rani Das, 38; and her daughters Beauty, 18, and Sweety, 12, from their homes and confined them to a workshop. The criminals also stole some belongings, including gold ornaments, from the victims’ houses. On July 1, a poor Hindu young person, Ashish Sarker, 25, was abducted and murdered in Mirzapur in Tangail. At the end of June, a Hindu businessman named Sumon Goala, 25, was murdered in Pearpur-Jamalpur Sadar. Recently, a Hindu woman, Radha Rani Halder, 28, was gang raped in Shoriotpur. On July 3, perpetrators attacked four Hindu families and vandalized their deities, while trying to occupy cremation ground belonging to Hindus in the Palash subdistrict of the Narsingdi district. Ten people, including women and children, were seriously injured during the attack. On July 16, some miscreants stole valuables, desecrated the Kali Temple and also demolished the deity at the Raroa Kali Temple at Gopalpur in the Sherpur sibdistrict of the Bogra district. On July 2, a Hindu housewife, Anguri Biswas, 23, was abducted in Rajoir in the Madaripur district. In August, a group of hoodlums under the leadership of Hafizur Rahman Hafiz and his elder brother Azizur Rahman Aziz, the cultural secretary of the Juba League, forcefully occupied seven decimals (282.94 sq.m.) of land belonging to a Hindu owner, Surjya Kanta Debnath, in the Nalitabari subdistrict of the Sherpur district. In connection with this, allegations were made by the victim that two shops were demolished and that his daughter, Lipi Debnath, was physically assaulted during the operation. In the same month, 20 religious minority families were forced to leave their homes due to the continuous kidnapping of women and children and the collection of “security” money in the Sonagazi-Feni district. It has been learned that the perpetrators Jafar, Seraj, Younus, Saiful, Ripon, Sabuj, Selim, Nasir and more than 20 miscreants were regularly collecting illegal money from 20 Hindu families. If they refused to pay the money, then they would begin to receive threats. On the night of Aug. 31, a gang of criminals attacked three Hindu families in the Dighalkandi Sahapara village of the Puthia subdistrict of Rajshahi, injuring 12 people. Sources said that the hoodlums also looted five houses and shops during the attack, in an attempt to convince those families to move away from their land. The injured included Profulla Chandra Saha, his wife Bijli Rani Saha, his brother Bijoy Saha, Sukumar, Chand, and Nomita, who were admitted to the Puthia Health Complex in critical condition. Around 30 perpetrators, believed to be BNP-Jamaat cadres, attacked the homes of Vanpuller Bijoy, Sukumar, and Uttam. They also looted Sukumar’s grocery store and the stitching shop of Uttam’s wife, Nomita, during the attack. Sources said that, on Aug. 27, men from the neighboring village of Kacharipara beat up two youths, Nayan and Sujon, in Sahapara. Following the incident, 10 Hindu families filed a general report with the local police station, expressing their anxiety. In October, a religious minority woman was abducted while she was asleep with her husband, Sagor Das, and gang raped in the Sathiya subdistrict of the Pabna district. Purnima Rani, the daughter of Dulal Roy of Chitra Para-Joypurhat, is missing after being falsely promised to be married with a Hindu boy. The Muslim perpetrator is related to a very powerful Juba League leader in Joypurhat.Purnima Rani could not be recovered, despite desperate arbitration with the powerful Awami League leaders. Also, the police on duty sometimes neglected to register cases against those perpetrators. Although the case was registered after much endeavor, the perpetrators also started constantly intimidating the victim’s family. Thus, a sense of insecurity prevails amongst the Hindu communities. There are also forceful conversions after entrapment and false personification. Nabami Sarkar, the daughter of Akhil Sarkar of the Aimar Rasulpur village, and Krishna Rani and Prativa Rani of Govindapur were the victims of such fraudulent events. Fraudulent conversions with the intent to deceive minority girls are occurring, such as with Shika Debnath, daughter of Mina Debnath of the Shaljune village of the same subdistrict. The police do not respond to this particular minority issue if a rebort is filed with them. As discontentment prevailed amongst Hindu minorities, the police reluctantly detained Purnima Roy, daughter of Dulal Roy, on Oct. 1 who was wearing a burka. Thereafter, she was produced before a court and the court sent her to judicial custody. A shrewd Muslim boy in the Kusumba Union village of Govindapur lured a Hindu girl, Krisna Rani Protiva, into a trap, abducted her, and absconded. The victim’s older brother protested against this sort of trap and, as a result, was assaulted. Although the case was recorded, the police kept people silent about it. Later, the unfortunate girl was recovered. Sawpan Mondal, 40, a Hindu (converted to a Christian) NGO employee was beaten to death in Soharwardy Uddayan (Ramna Kali Temple) by the some students of Dhaka University, who branded him an extortionist. On Sept. 12, the students caught him and beaten him mercilessly. The morning after, Mondal died from his wounds at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital during treatment. At least 25 Hindu families have been evicted from Kalapara in Patuakhali under the current regime. According to the Daily Star, the chairman of the Rajshahi board of education, Dipakendranath Das, left the city on Aug. 30 for Dhaka after filing general reports with two police stations following threats on his life, allegedly from the city’s mayor, AHM Khairuzzaman Liton. The Rajshahi mayor asked the board chairman repeatedly over the phone to upgrade his daughter’s SSC results, Dipakendranath alleged. Khairuzzaman acknowledged that he had requested Dipakendranath to look into his daughter’s results, but denied the allegation of threatening the board chairman. In his identical reports filed with Boalia and Rajpara police stations in Rajshahi, the chairman alleged that he had been asked to leave Rajshahi forever over the phone on Aug. 27. The callers also threatened him with death. He had refrained from mentioning the names of any individual or party in his reports. Earlier on Aug. 27, the chairman alleged that the city mayor threatened to transfer him if he did not entertain his request of upgrading his daughter’s SSC results. Anika Faria Zaman, the mayor’s daughter, secured a GPA of 4.56 in this year’s SSC examinations. Dissatisfied with the results, she, along with 2,300 other examinees, appealed to the board on June 22 to review their results. When the reviewed results came out on Aug. 9, some 23 examinees got their results changed but Anika’s results remained the same.The board chairman explained that Anika failed to get a GPA of 5 because she secured an A- in Bangla and obtained an A in English, mathematics and chemistry. “There was no room to review her results, as they had already been issued,” he said. Dipakendranath alleged that the mayor threatened him twice, on Aug. 18 and 25, over the phone. On June 12, a gang led by Nur Hosssain Master of Soraigachhi attacked the homes of 74 families, including 54 indigenous families in Katirpur of the Porsha subdistrict of the Naogaon district. They torched, damaged and looted the houses and also randomly beat up indigenous men, women and children during the attack. On Sept. 2, more than 50 people, including the member-secretary of the National Committee to Protect Oil, Gas, Mineral Resources, Power and Ports, Prof. Anu Muhammad, were injured when police charged at marchers heading for Petrobangla headquarters in the capital in protest against the government’s decision to award three offshore blocks to international oil companies. One bereaved Hindu family was prevented from lodging a first information report at the Rangunia police station, due to continuous threats from the killers. Police have tried to suppress the facts of the murder and, as a result, the perpetrators have gotten impunity. On July 24, some men kidnapped Jatindra Lal Dey, 65, of the Sahandi Nagar Hindu Para village and strangled him half to death, then fled, leaving him at the Rangunia Subdistrict Hospital. Jatindra died on his way to the Chittagong Medical College Hospital. In August, a group of religious minority communities in the Barman Para village of the Durgapur subdistrict of the Netrokona district made allegations regarding continuous repression against them. In a separate statement signed by some minority communities condemning the atrocities done against them, it is alleged that crimes against humanity, including physical torture, rape, kidnapping and land seizure, were continuously being committed against them. They also claimed that although the local government, including their Member of Parliament, was asked to stop these atrocities, and although the local Member of Parliament asked the officer-in-charge to take necessary steps, no remedial measures were taken by the police, unfortunately. As such, a case has been filed by Bimal Chandra Barman at the Durgapur police station. In July, a religious minority schoolgirl of the Dalit family in the Jessore district of Bangladesh was gang raped on her way back from attending “Kirtan” religious songs. The victim was dragged to a nearby garden and raped by several men. In Bhola, there is a silent repression of religious minorities. Lord Hardinge, 35 miles away from the Lalmohan police station, reported in writing that some Muslim land grabbers with bad motives instituted false cases in the court against destitute, law-abiding Hindus, making them leave the country. Hindus have been arrested without any tangible allegations, because in July the Chief Judicial Magistrate of Bhola made a judicial enquiry through the headmaster of a local high school - a reported activist of the Awami League - took negative view and submitted false reports against the Hindus. No enquiry was made into the allegations against those Hindus with regard to their involvement in theft and other false allegations. On May 8, in Chittagong Hill Tracts, Maching Khai Marma, 18, was raped, then killed with a brick. On Sept. 28, Goutam Sarker, 33, was shot dead in Dhaka. He was a resident of 47 Farasganj Lane, Sutrapur. He was also the president of the Awami Sechasebok League of the 79th ward of Dhaka. On Oct. 22, a Catholic family of the Dhaka diocese, under the St. Lawrence Catholic Church, was attacked by local Muslims. Some people fired guns at the house of the Catholic family. After that, a complaint was filed with the local police station as well as with the U.S. state department by the family with the help of an NGO. Furthermore, extrajudicial killings are still very common in Bangladesh. On Oct. 31, another two people were killed in extrajudicial killings, falsely reported as a “gunfight” with the police in Sundarban in Bagerhat. The victims were Altaf Hossain, 42, and Mizanur Rahman, 35, both residents of Chandrakhali in Rampal. This latest incident raised the total death figure due to extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion and the police to 118 since Jan. 6, when the Awami League-led government assumed office. This is despite the fact that, on the same day, the law minister, Barrister Shafique Ahmed, said in a training program on human rights that there should be initiatives to investigate any kind of extrajudicial killing, as the present government does not believe in such killings. On Feb. 25-26, at Pilkhana BDR headquarters, some of the BDR members revolted and, during that time, they killed many members of the meritorious army; looted their money, gold and other wealth; and raped army officers’ wives and daughters. At least 75 people, including 58 meritorious army officers, were killed by the so-called mutineers. It was a gross human rights violation, which came after the brutal killing of the father of the nation, Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. We want to see fair trials held for the real and accused mutineers. We know that 48 BDR members already died after torture during detention. The whole nation is waiting for justice regarding the BDR mutiny. We also want to see the inquiry report into the BDR mutiny and killings. So, there is a big difference between the U.S. state department report and the real situation of human rights and religious minorities in Bangladesh. We want an equal society without torture or human rights violations. Minorities face attempted murder in Bangladesh Jahangir Akash on 11/9/2009 10:35:17 PM - News Blogs
 According to the Daily Sangbad, in the middle of the night of Nov. 1, 2009, in the village of Tazpur in the Singra subdistrict of Natore, the perpetrators locked the doors of the houses of the minorities from the outside, then set fire to the houses using petrol. One minority man, Rash Bihari, had to be taken to the Rajshahi Medical College Hospital, since he was seriously burned. The houses of Ratan Ghosh, Nripen Ghosh and Batbihari Ghosh were totally burned. Sources said that some local influential people have been trying to seize 200 bigha (approx. 66 acres) of "Debottor" land - land dedicated to and belonging to a Hindu deity - for a long time. A group of terrorists led by Union Parishad members Hasib and Sazedur Rahman Khan attacked minorities in the Tazpur village on Oct. 24. They ransacked the houses of 12 religious minority families and looted money and other property. At least 23 people, including women and children, were seriously injured in the attack. The attackers also raped a minority woman. Subsequently, a case was filed against the attackers by Sreebash Halder. A total of 33 people were accused in connection with this case. Then, on Nov. 1, the accused were released on bail from the court. That same night, they again attacked the minority families in the Tazpur village. Another case was filed by Nogendranath Ghosh with the Singra police station against the attackers, but the attackers have yet to be arrested. Religious minorities live in fear after being attacked again and again. These incidents are reminiscent of the Bashkhali incidents of Chittagong that happened during the rule of the BNP-Jamaat government. The present government should prove itself a real friend for the religious minorities of Bangladesh by protecting them and make an example of all the perpetrators of crime against minorities by punishing them. "T.B.JOSHUA IS A CON MAN" BISHOP ADDAE MENSAH. A CASE OF KETTLE AND THE POT Prekese Media Inc. on 11/9/2009 9:23:00 AM - News Blogs
 I know many of you readers recalled having read about an article in many African online media houses that lambasted a top Nigerian christian minister,Prophet T.B.Joshua for being a CON MAN. His sin? T.B. Joshua is reported to have spoken to the media and put a video on the internet through his global television network Emmanuel TV laying claim that his prophecies and intense prayers aided the Ghana's Black Satelites recent success at the FIFA Under 20 Soccer tournament. Many enligtened and intelligent discussions have taken place over T.B's claim and the controversy that has followed the success, human as we are, we have all been careful not to condemn T.B but to leave everything to God. Bishop Addae Mensah's open condemnation came as a shock to many of us, especially since it was coming from another man of God. Peter Tosh, a reggae legend from Jamaica is said to have said in one his songs " DONT THROW STONES WHEN YOU LIVE IN A GLASS HOUSE. Our great traditional elders from Ghana always speak to wise in proverbs such as " Dont call the Pot Black if you are a Kettle". What has invited this wise saying.? Ladies and gentlemen, readers, here is something from UK about Bishop Addae Mensah. Draw your own conclusion after reading it. "63 - York Way for a rubber factory, astro-turf, night-time flashers and a meat market At the very east end of Agar Grove, just before it reaches York Way, I finally meet up with the 300 easting again, the first time since leaving the British Library. There's a characterless junction here, with a couple of pubs (Rose Mc Cann's and the Newmarket Ale House) a couple of auto shops, a bookie and the Villa Cafe where I stop for tea and an eccles cake. On one corner of York Way and Brewery Road there's an old industrial brick building advertising 'Pentonville Rubber', a company which sells foam, rubber, latex and bean bags. In the third-storey windows, though, there's a sign for 'Gospel Light International Church'. This is a church led by a character in Ghana called Bishop Addae-Mensah. A few years ago he predicted that Ghana would find large quantities of oil. In March 2004, he was accused of committing adultery with a female pastor of the Church - an allegation he strenuously denied. On the other corner of York Way and Brewery Road stands a mid-19th century building, long known as the Butcher's Arms, but no longer. On York Way (the A5200) I am confronted by a giant advertising billboard: 'If you top up twice a month, you'd be better off with Three Pay. Pay as you go just got better.' Terraces of three-storey 19th century houses, all with parapets hiding their flat roofs, line the west side of the road (which is in the London Borough of Camden). For one block on the east side (which is in Islington), York Way is taken up with warehouse buildings: Norval, a printing company; Hewitt, a stationery manufacturer; and GWB. The latter is an acronym of the charity General Welfare of the Blind. It provides sheltered workshops for the blind, runs a blind persons employment agency, called Clarity. It also runs a commercial venture, to make money, producing toiletry and household liquid products for UK and overseas marketing companies. Market Road runs off York Way to the east. There's a sport's ground here, where, in 1980, the England manager Ron Greenwood officially opened an astro-turf football pitch. It's very busy this morning with different teams warming up and training. North of Market road and along York Way is the York Way Estate, run by the Corporation of London. It comprises 275 flats, in four blocks, ranging in size from bedsits (weekly rent around £57) to three bedroom flats (weekly rent around £84). Alternatively you could buy a one bedroom flat, with a 110 year lease, for £150,000. This estate seems to be a favourite locale for prostitutes, with residents complaining about them to the police and estate managers. A common complaint is of screams in the night, but 'flashing' to passing motorists has also been reported. At the next junction, looking east along North Road, I can see the famous Caledonian clock tower which is all that's left of the Caledonian cattle and meat market. Before the 1850s, an inn called Copenhagen House stood where the tower is today; and a building with the same name had been there certainly since the 17th century, and, possibly, since the King of Denmark came to visit his brother-in-law James I. The fields nearby were known as the Copenhagen Fields. In 1834, a mass gathering of trade unionists marched from these fields to Parliament to present a petition against the savage treatment of the Tolpuddle Martyrs. In 1852, the Corporation of London purchased the land, demolished Copenhagen House, and built the Metropolitan Cattle Market (opened in 1855 by Prince Albert). Nearby, other buildings were constructed: drovers' lodgings, public houses (such as the Butcher's Arms), hotels and a block of working-class dwellings. In the 20th century, the market became dominated by junk and antique dealers. It closed down during World War Two, and, subsequently, the land was utilised for the York Way Estate and for open spaces. The meat market, though, survived until the late 1960s. " Ref: http://www.pikle.demon.co.uk/londoncross/londoncross63.html THE HOPE OF MISJUDGMENT: THE CASE OF UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) on 11/6/2009 10:12:51 PM - Political Blogs
 In the 1952 when the first demonstration was staged in the University of Ghana by the then occupants of the Legon hall, it was over an issue that today, we will have to throw into the dustbin of triviality. The then students of Legon hall upon realizing that the authorities have rechanneled the funds meant for the building of a dining to the building of a chapel deemed this worthy of demonstration and this sparked the first demonstration dubbed, “NO BREAD NO HALLELUYA”. We are very disappointed in the way people are seeing the impending “YEN SU BIOM” demonstration within the spectacle of NDC and NPP. We have always believed that students can jump from this useless and nonsense pettiness which has so much entangled the students' front blocking improvement and ushering us into the deep pit of cowardice and shamefulness. It is nonsense to hear from the authorities that some students have tagged us as some disgruntled NPP activists trying to demand their pound of flesh from the NDC government. In our bid to uphold the dictates of our national constitution and the university regulations guiding Junior members like all students we notify the Dean of Students with a copy to the Registrar but the Dean with the dictates of the rules has denied us the procession based on “God knows reasons”. By this release, we are entreating all students that, the sanctions that the authorities have leveled against us because we plan on embarking on the procession cannot break our genes and we shall chest all bullets and sanctions from whatever quarters it may come from. We have always been FIERCE; we have always believed in URGENCY; and we have always attached the spirit of NOW! That is why we shall always say THE FIERCE URGENCY OF NOW! By: Auxtyn Atta-Brako (Powers) Development / Ghana / Africa / Modernghana.com THE BLACK SATELLITES VICTORY: THE CASE OF AFRICAN UNITY. AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) on 11/6/2009 10:12:51 PM - Political Blogs
 On the Friday, 16 October, 2009, Africa witnessed what some football fanatics called “host and win” of the FIFA U-20 World Cup held in Egypt. Though not an avid fan of football, I had to stay glued to a television set provided by “Odo Rice” of Akuafo hall – a place were those of us who could not access a television near-by do resort timely. I witnessed what some football fans do experience. A lady nearby had to weep and cast insinuations when one of our defenders Addo was red carded. This experience may not be predominantly peculiar to Ghana because upon monitoring a radio station, I overhead one of the presenters saying that some people in Kenya were disappointed upon seeing the red card waved by the Referee. South Africa, Zimbabwe, Tanzania among other African countries had terrible nightmares upon fending off with fate after seeing the red card. To them, largely, our bid (Africa) to annex the cup in Egypt is fading into oblivion. I f there be any lesson that the FIFA U-20 World Cup held in Egypt has taught us, it is that, we cannot walk on the pavement of international politics if we are divided. The tears shed by people in countries like: Tanzania, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya and Zambia among others after Ghana was down by one man, show that, the African Unity project of old, is still alive with vibrancy as never before. I doff my hat out to the Black Satellites for reinvigorating the spirit of togetherness in Africa – a land rich in best of the world resources yet its people are dying of commonly curable diseases and also for dealing us the terrible blow that; it is only in our united front that we can champion the cause of our impoverished people. Africa must indeed unite. Let us unite to bring poverty down. Today and every day, we shall stand up and speak out and take action against extreme poverty, illness, inequality and will vehemently hold our leaders accountable. This is why we must be FIERCE in our bid to unite. It must be URGENT. It must be NOW! It must be THE FIERCE URGENCY OF NOW! By: Auxtyn Atta-Brako (Powers) Development / Ghana / Africa / Modernghana.com FOUNDER OR FOUNDERS? AUXTYN ATTA-BRAKO (POWERS) on 11/6/2009 9:09:02 PM - Political Blogs
 Before I try to make do with these genuine but unwarranted questions let us not mince words in acknowledging the contribution persons like Paa Grant, Dr. J. B Danquah among others who form part of the UGCC caucus made to Nkrumah's life. We cannot steal their effort in bringing Nkrumah down to the then Gold Coast to become the secretary of the elite-dominated group agitating for 'self government within the shortest possible of time.' Beyond the sacrifices of Dr. J. B Danquah among others of the UGCC, it is unquestionable that the formation of the Convention Peoples Party (CPP) in 1948 worked the magic leading to our folks shaking off the shackles of colonialism with its concomitant plundering of the dignity and the resources of the country. However, we must not be hypocritical about anything. Mahatma Gandhi was not the only person who agitated for Indians freedom. In fact there were peasant farmers who supported him and even played leading roles at certain points in time yet Mahatma Gandhi is praised as the founder of modern Indian. Mention could also be made of George Washington of America who is accorded the founder of the Union. Why can't we question the legality or as it were the senses in that? Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah may have been aided at the formative stages of the UGCC by Dr. J. B. Danquah, Paa Grant among others yet he must with love and not resentment be accorded the founder of modern Ghana for his touch with time, “self government now!” and he leading the mass crusade which saw the chain of oppression and of the dispossessed shook off. I doff my hat to Osagyefo for his illuminating words and for seeing beyond the 'parapet' cities of Africa springing up and leading the world in science and technology. If he were alive what would have been his words to Prof. Mills; “if the economy is worrisome fix it.” Powerful, isn't it? This is why we must be FIERCE in our approach of preaching the gospel according to Osagyefo; it must be URGENT; it must be NOW. IT MUST BE THE FIERCE URGENCY OF NOW! By: Auxtyn Atta-Brako (Powers) Development / Ghana / Africa / Modernghana.com Controversy Unlimited: Kufuor in the Mo… Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/6/2009 7:58:17 PM - Political Blogs
 Is it not plausible that had Kufuor the full-blooded Ghanaian taken the award, he would have put a decisive dampener on the total irrelevance of the otherwise clever battering of Kofi Nwiah's party under the aegis of a so-called centenary celebration of Nwiah's life that was officially planned, plotted and presented by fringe remnants of the Cockerel Party, ready, over-willing, able and over-enthusiastic in their desire to decimate anything of the Busia-Danquah tradition, so that the heights of their envy and hatred make it easy to enter into a very loose marriage of political convenience with the very people that either claimed Kofi Nwiah bequeathed unto Ghana only a flag and an anthem or in more heart-wrenching forms, simply kicked out the only constitutional incarnation of Kofi Nwiah's party of which they, these latter day apparatchiks of the Brutus pedigree were veritable and prominent attaches. Hello Mr. Bernard Mornah, how do you do? Within the span of one month, I have seen Kufuor in action on various platforms both within Ghana and outside the 92,098 square miles that constitutes our geo-political space. This man, who some wife-beating deputy minister claimed had a swimming pool in his house even after television cameras had shown that there was no such facility on his residential compound has carried himself with grace and decorum especially when he is on the international platform. When I wrote within these pages that Kufuor had been appointed the chief fundraiser for the 700th Anniversary Celebration of Exeter College, Oxford, someone called to ask me where I got this information from. One does not sit in a security class with both the British and the English in their land and not have a wide area network of very good friends who have unlimited access to priceless information. Thus if a cabinet minister goes to take Mabey and Johnson files and refuses to share them with the local SFO for example, or if some other people have been implicated and it is kept from the public eye, those who hide those things should know that others know even more which shall be divulged when they so determine. Now if I say that Kufuor made Ghana proud when he delivered his speech on “Africa and Globalization-Enabling a Better Future” at the United Nations University in Shibuya-Ku, Tokyo, it was because I and a few colleagues who were there, enjoyed seeing someone making Ghana so proud. I have had my personal problems with John Kufuor; these are open secrets and yet I acknowledge his contribution to this country called Ghana. Sometimes I wish I had been close to his inner circle and helped steer him off the path of mistakes, especially the ones that he made as far as his own political party is concerned, or to proffer advice on the people around him who hail him when he is around only to turn around and bad-mouth him so terribly you would think he is Satan's first cousin. Indeed Kufuor is only human and does not carry either the wisdom or knowledge pot alone. He is thus bound to make mistakes, both pardonable and what some people think are unpardonable ones. Nevertheless, I have come to realize that when it comes to his dealings within the international community, he has strenuously avoided bringing Ghana into disrepute of any sort. Maybe it is his flawless international credentials that are irking some people so much so that they are raising and flying some flares about his purported detrimental involvement in the Vodafone Deal. But that is a matter under investigation so I will not delve into it. If Kufuor has made such an awesome mark in the international arena, then far more important is the platform upon which he launched himself and with that, Ghana unto that pedestal. Is it not a truism that Kufuor was elected by the good people of Ghana to preside over the administration of this country for eight uninterrupted years? What is more of an award, reward or elevation than for the citizens of a country to collectively decide to bestow upon one of their own, the privilege of taking decisions on their behalf? With all due respect, it is not Mo Ibrahim or his money that has made John Kufuor who he has become. Indeed the connections that Kufuor has made in his tenure as President are such that the prize money pales into great insignificance for how do we compare a personal award of five million dollars to influence, clout and stature? Can anyone buy his way into all G8 meetings between 2001 and 2009 with five million dollars? Has anyone managed to get debt-forgiveness close to six billion dollars on the basis of a five million dollar award? If Oxford, an educational institution, can appoint our former Head-of-State to tour the world to raise funds from all its surviving students who have passed through Exeter College alone over its 700 year existence, what is five million dollars, nay a Mo Ibrahim award that has gotten some people so green with envy that their shade of green cannot even be defined? I saw Kufuor at Gabby Otchere Darko's mother's funeral. He was again regal and elegant, carrying himself well and displaying what elder statesmen display. When we exchanged greetings, it was not like old adversaries in the NPP; he showed an understanding and cracked a joke or two. I carefully took notice of his behaviour and body language while sitting next to His Excellency John D. Mahama, sitting Vice-President of Ghana. He scored very high marks on the occasion and truth be told, the Vice-President's delegation displayed similar candour in obviously markedly opposition territory. I saw him again at Osu, celebrating the one-year commemoration of the passing of the mother of a dynamic young woman in the NPP. Again he was mobbed by the crowds in a predominantly NDC stronghold. There must be something about him that places him in the love-hate relationship but is that not human nature after all? Is one man's freedom fighter not really another man's terrorist? Did we all not see him visiting his old office at the castle in the company of former Presidents and being very warm and friendly with His Excellency President J.E.A. Mills? Even Koku Anyidoho, who has openly expressed disaffection for Kufuor in Ghana and beyond could not help but smile as pleasantries were exchanged, going the extra mile to ensure that TV cameras picked him posing behind the self-same hated John Kufuor as he shared his opinions with the castle press corp. Yet John Kufuor for all the love and hate that has been meted out to him remains a towering figure in the annals of this country's history. Whether we like it or not, he shall be remembered for a number of things especially that he was the second and dare I say, most successful president yet under the fourth Republican dispensation. Like his predecessor John Rawlings, he will enjoy both praise and scorn, for that is the lot of a leader, especially in a politically charged atmosphere but should that make us resolve not to promote him and with that, Ghana when the opportunity so presents itself? When President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva went to make a presentation that “awarded” Brazil the right to host the 2016 Olympic Games, he still had political opponents, but they rallied behind him to chalk that success for their beloved country. I am quite sure that when Barack Obama went on the same mission, both the Republicans and Independents of America supported him even if he returned unsuccessful. Obama has gone ahead to win the Nobel Prize and as controversial as it may be, he has brought honour firstly to his country and lastly to himself, for without America being his platform, how could he have acceded to that prestigious position that in turn facilitated his winning of the prize? The time has come for us to promote our own. It really does not matter whether the individual concerned was spawned from an ethnic group that oral tradition may have despised and planted into our infant minds so that we grow with deep-seated hatred for people of that tribe. It is of relative insignificance if the individual earmarked for some award or promotion comes from the opposing political group provided the interest, image or integrity of Ghana are under consideration. Sons and daughters of this land all add up to make Ghana what it is. Perhaps, Ghana would not be complete without a John Rawlings, the same way that it would be incomplete without a John Kufuor. Can we as a people, collectively use the Mo Ibrahim saga as the last time we shall display our shameful attitude of deriding our leaders, past and present at least when it comes to operations at the international level? I need not enumerate the benefits of such a move for we know it within ourselves. Would it not be sad, that if current President Mills makes the grade for such an award, some people would engage in backroom machinations to deny him that and then gloat about his inability to clinch the award? How do we grow as a nation with such an attitude and what would be the attraction for well-meaning people to take to politics and leadership if the very people who confer on them the privilege of leading us for defined tenures turn round to portray to all and sundry that we were foolish enough to make the very same leaders our elected President? Jehovah-M'gaddishcem give you grace to ponder over these things. Every Year 0.4 million children die in Pakistan Darhoon Menghwar on 11/5/2009 10:16:51 AM - Health Blogs
 Dr Salma sheikh is a child specialist and also professor at LUMHS Jamshoro sindh, one of the biggest research based institute in Pakistan .She is working on child health since last 30 years, she observed that 7 million children became sick every year due to Pneumonia in Pakistan and making it immense burden on economy. Pneumonia is preventable and treatment is not expensive, but unfortunely due to unawareness every year thousands children lose battle of their life's. Children be protected from Pneumonia by maintaining good health, good immunity and clean environment. All of these can be achieved by breast feeding, proper nutrition and promoting hand washing and controlling indoor pollution. Dr. Salma said. According to UNICEF, Pneumonia is the one leading cause of vaccine preventable disease and deaths in the World .Almost 1 Million children under age of 5 die of Pneumonia every year. 75% cases occur in the 15 countries and Pakistan is 3rd biggest among them. Pneumonia can be prevented by available vaccines, like Hib, Measles and Pertusis, but unfortunately these four vaccines only reach about 50% of population. Vaccine for pneumococcal Pneumonia which is commonest cause of death world wide can be prevented by pneumococcal vaccines, which is proven to be safe and effective in developed countries, but unfortunately it is very expensive and not available in Government hospitals, it is about 150 dollars. We are searching donors, who support us to save thousands of children life and hope we will be get it till 2011. Dr. Salma said. Pakistan government trained more then half million Lady Heath Workers (LHW) to provide door to door basic health knowledge and awareness in society. And also started Pneumonia campaign from 2 to 9 November 2009, every year this week have been celebrated. More ever. Dr. Salma said Pneumonia, Malaria, Dharia Measles and weakness is common 5 diseases in children and 50% Pneumonia occur in rural areas, where mostly people cook food through woods and its smoke is very dangerous for children. To prevent Pneumonia deaths, proper and timely recognition of symptoms and treatment is important. LHW trained to recognize symptoms like fast breathing, difficult breathing, poor feeding and other s, so that children can be given appropriate antibiotics and refer children with severe pneumonia to hospitals. Director General Health Sindh Dr.Korai has said we are providing education about Pneumonia to all Schools Teachers, and also going to start vaccine in all children's at schools. We all want to focus prevention and treatment of Pneumonia; it should not be a one killer in our children. MOTHER HEALTH. In Pakistan 30,000 women die every year during or after pregnancy - one every 17 minutes. The mortality ratio in rural areas is very high, where health facility is very poor, mostly no lady DR. and Maternity Homes. Dr. Ghaffar Billo , Professor and child specialist at Agha khan University and Hospital Karachi , one of the biggest research based institute in Pakistan .He is working on child health since last 40 years, he observed that 80% pregnant women give birth at home, where un traditional " Daies''(local elder women, who usually perform the duty of delivering Childs) do deliveries. So for that mortality ratio is high among women and children. Mostly these "Daies" are uneducated, unskilled, they don't use globe, even the can't use new blade due to this dangerous virus inter in body of babies and mothers and mostly they die during first week of deliveries .second thing anemia is common disease in pregnant women, 25% new born babies weight reported less then 2 and half Kilo gram, but it should 3 kg. He said. More ever, Dr Ghaffar said that in Pakistan 30 millions women have age is 15 to 49 years and they are able to be a mother. While even every mother be pregnant five times in life .Every year 30 thousands women died after or during deliveries. One every 17 minutes. He accepted that situation in rural areas is very dangerous, where mostly no facility of lady doctors and Maternity Homes, only unskilled "dies" do deliveries. The population of Pakistan is almost 16 millions, the male female ratio is 108:100 .Women constitutes 48 percent of Pakistan's population; their health and social development indicators are poor as compared to males, both urban as well as in rural areas of the provinces. The average age at marriage is 22 years for women. The overall literacy ratio in Pakistan is 49.9 percent, at the same time female literacy ratio is only 36 percent. Urban areas have a higher literacy ratio both for males and females, Literacy levels for rural women is only 20 percent War criminals, the JMB and militant Islamists Jahangir Akash on 11/5/2009 12:06:33 AM - News Blogs
 In Bangladesh, most of the political parties are using religion for political purposes. Almost the whole system in Bangladesh has fallen victim to the burning problems of criminalization, Islamization, corruption, a lack of accountability and responsibility, and a disabled democracy. And Bangladesh has other major problems, such as widespread poverty, natural disasters, climate change, a bad education system, no good planning, and no rule of law. War criminals, the Jamaat party and militant Islamists in Bangladesh are similar to one another. These three groups are very dangerous for secularism, yet they are still quite active in Bangladesh. You can find dishonesty, immorality, irresponsibility and corruption everywhere in Bangladesh. The militant Islamist groups are still very active and organized in the country. They have been running arms and explosives training camps. Members of state forces, who are also militant Islamists, are killing and covering up their killings, reporting them as "crossfires", "encounters" or "gunfights". And yet, the administration hasn't taken up these extrajudicial killings with the militant Islamists. So now, a big question in the mind of the public is whether or not the administration is friendly with the militant Islamists. The government has yet to try in court those accused in these incidents. The funding sources of the militants still remain hidden. On Sept. 25, 2009, a militant training center was seized by law enforcers from Khagrachhari. Law enforcers arrested Abdur Rahim alias Saifullah, second-in-command of the Chittagong division of the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen (JMB), and seized powdered explosives, 14 grenade casings, 20 detonators, 49 books on jihad, 27 batteries and around 1 kg. of barbed wire. Later, on Sept. 27, law enforcers arrested four JMB cadres - Delwar Hossain alias Sajib, age 32, and Yunus Ali alias Yunus, age 20, at Shantipur of Matiranga; Delwar Hossain Dulal, age 23, in Gazipur; and Monir alias Ripon, age 25, in Comilla. Government sources said that Moulana Saidur Rahman's son Bashar plays a key role in running the organization. Seven members of the Shura, the highest policymaking body of the JMB, are Shiblu alias Shishir, Sohel Mahfuz of Kushtia, Mehedi alias Abir of Barguna, Nazmul alias Bhagne Shahid of Natore, Osman alias Shahid of Comilla, Sayeem of Dhaka and Mahmud alias Asad of Panchagarh. Of them, Shishir is in charge of the military wing, Sohel Mahfuz of the Dawat (invitation) Department, Mehedi of the southern districts, Nazmul of the northern region, Osman of the Chittagong division and Sayeem of the IT wing. The duties assigned to Mahmud are not yet known. Mostafiz alias Siddique of Gazipur has been working as an advisor for the banned outfit. An unnamed government source has said, "The network of the militant Islamists and their organizational activities are still very strong in Bangladesh." According to research, around 125 militant Islamist organizations are active in Bangladesh. But the government has banned only five of these organization, to date. The life of the present prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, is under threat by the militants. She is the main target of militant Islamists, sources said. We believe that if Bangladesh's government wants to combat militant Islamism, they it should ban the Madrasa (Islamic) system of education. At the same time, it would be necessary to start a one way, combined scientific system of education, to reduce all kinds of discrimination and poverty. Also, there should be an immediate trial for war criminals. We also demand that the influence of religion upon government politics should be banned at once. Government`s Woeful Handling of the Petroleum Sector - the need for a Public debate Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/4/2009 4:58:25 PM - Business Blogs
 By now it is no longer news that the Tema Oil Refinery has not refined a single barrel of crude in the first ten months of this administration. At the same time, supply of refined products on the market has been erratic at best. Indeed, for the first time in 8 years, Ghanaians have had to queue for fuel in many parts of our country, including the national capital, Accra. The cost to the nation of this state of affairs would only become clear, when the annual GDP figures are available at the end of the year. But suffice it to say that, it has been a considerable source of instability and uncertainty for the business community of our country. Despite all these it has been easier to find a needle out of a haystack than get answers from the people we put in Government about what the real situation is. This is not for want of trying, but because the answers from government for this state of affairs have been wobbly at best. It took an open threat of action by the hard working and patriotic workers of TOR and the Tema District Council of Labour, to bring us close to our first delivery of crude oil - One more piece of evidence to highlight the mediocrity in the government, which is masquerading as excellence. Why did it have to take the President going to Tema Oil Refinery to learn the problems of the place? What kind of briefing was the President getting from his men at TOR? Will it be far-fetched to surmise that the President's men are sleeping at the switch? The Sahara Promise versus Reality: Ladies and Gentlemen of the Press, AFAG's investigations have revealed that, indeed, the only thing that was standing between Tema Oil Refinery and the first consignment of Crude from Nigeria, was not any outstanding debt to the oil suppliers, but an outstanding debt to the NDC manifesto. Our usually reliable sources have informed us that, the extremists in the ruling NDC were hell-bent on ending TOR's dealings with Sahara Energy Resources Limited (SERL). Even when it became quite obvious that TOR was not going to be able to lift oil from Nigeria without the involvement of SERL, this fringe wing of the NDC, still believed it was politically more expedient to let the people of Ghana suffer fuel shortage, rather than breach what they believe was a cardinal promise, which is eloquently captured in the Party's Manifesto for the 2008 elections: “Review the monopoly of Sahara Energy in crude supply to TOR and VRA”. AFAG would normally not be against such a review. Indeed, we are crucially aware of the significance of competition in an open liberal economy, and would support any such review. However, elementary prudence would dictate that one must select his grains before he burns the chaff. Why was the Government so much in a hurry to end the contract with SERL, even at the risk of not getting the crude supply from Nigeria? We are aware that, couple of weeks ago, our Government and the authorities of Tema Oil refinery, sent a tanker to the Republic of Nigeria, ostensibly, to lift oil. On the strength of that arrangement, the Ministry of Energy held a press conference to announce the imminent arrival of crude oil into the country. The rest, as they say, is history. However, the critical question arising out of that debacle is; how much did it cost us to send a tanker to Nigeria and back without crude? What arrangement was in place before we dispatched a tanker to Nigeria? What due diligence was done before we decided that it was ok to spend money on such a fruitless trip to Nigeria? For a government that came to power on the promise to cut “profligate expenditure”, we believe it is legitimate for Ghanaians to be told how much was spent on that trip. In our view, if anything would qualify as profligate spending, this kind of expenditure definitely does. It was in fact a reckless expenditure to make. After 10 months of denial on the part of our government and ten months of sheer suffering willfully imposed on Ghanaians in an attempt to fulfill a manifesto pledge, the Government has finally come round to what many ordinary Ghanaians have known all these months. At last, Sahara Energy Resources Limited has been contacted to lift oil for TOR. Question is; why must it take 10 months of suffering and sacrifice by the Ghanaian people for our government to realize that no campaign promise (particularly a bogus one such as the one in question) is worth fulfilling at the expense of the comfort of our people? We want to believe that it was for good reason that the NDC then in opposition thought it would be good to review the monopoly of SERL. We can surmise this from another quote from their manifesto: thus “apply the anti-corruption crusade fully in the energy sector – ensure transparency and enforced compliance with regulations”. That being the case, are we to assume that since Sahara has now been given the all clear to bring in the Crude (which has already arrived), that the company has passed this “transparency and enforced compliance with regulations” test? Has the government now discovered that TOR's dealings with SERL all these years, after all, have been above board, or are they just happy to look the other way while Sahara gives the nation a raw deal, because it is now politically convenient to do so? The TOR Debt: By now, we are all aware that Tema Oil Refinery (TOR) owes a lot of debt on its books. What we do not know, however, is; How much? Depending on whether you are listening to the President, the Vice President, Minister of information, the Deputy Minister of Energy, Hon. Moses Asaga or Hon. Alfred Kwame Agbesi, you get a different figure. The latest figure of the debt was given by Mr. Agbesi only last week, on an Accra radio station, as GH¢1.5 trillion. The variations in the numbers, deliberately or otherwise; makes it difficult for constructive intelligent debate on the subject. Be that as it may, we are of the view that, by the very nature of the oil business, it is not possible to deal with the commodity on a purely cash basis. It is that reality that letters of credits (LCs) are meant to resolve. Therefore, at any point in time, the balance sheet of the company would naturally show some liabilities. Indeed, there is no business that has no liabilities on its books. In our opinion, it is the ability to manage and leverage these liabilities that distinguishes a government that talks from a government that works. At any rate, our estimates show that the inaction on the part of the government in managing the debt beyond continuous churning out of new figures, is costing TOR in monthly interests, amounting to GH¢20 million (¢200 billion). This translates into some GH¢200 million (¢2 trillion) over the last 10 months. In other words, government inertia alone has ballooned TOR's liability to Ghana Commercial Bank (GCB) by an additional ¢2 trillion. By even the world's lowest standards, this cannot be said to be a better management of the TOR debt. We call on the government to immediately let the good people of Ghana know exactly how much the NET TOR debt was, as at 7th January 2009, and by how much it has increased since they took over the management of the refinery. Since government claimed, TOR's inability to bring in any crude was because of the “huge debt”, can we assume, now that the crude is in, the debt has been cleared or substantially paid? 10 Months of TOR Shut Down: AFAG wishes to congratulate the workers of Tema Oil Refinery for their selflessness and patriotism in coming out in the face of threats and intimidation by management, to let the people of Ghana know that, contrary to the official statements on the state of Affairs at the Refinery, things were really getting out of hand. They could have chosen to keep quiet over the issue. After all, they were being paid their FULL WAGES, even though they were forced to idle for 10 months. But they thought it was not in the best interest of the nation for the status quo to persist. We thank them for their patriotism. We need many more Ghanaians of their kind, who would be able to speak up and speak the truth, even when it is inconvenient and risky to do so. That is what differentiates a patriot from anyone else. However, AFAG wishes to know, how much it cost the nation to pay the Wages of these patriotic professionals for 10 months at the time the plant was shut down, in apparent fulfillment of a campaign promise to “Review the monopoly of Sahara Energy”? AFAG calls on the President to immediately activate his promise to investigate the very serious allegations made by the workers of Tema Oil Refinery, that some persons in Government were deliberately frustrating the efforts of TOR to secure crude oil delivery, in order to further their personal interests. For a start, we call on the Ministry of Energy to publish the names of ALL companies that were supplying refined oil to the Ghanaian market during the last ten months, when TOR was not refining oil, along with the prices at which they were supplying to us. Fuel Price Increase: AFAG in principle is not against fuel price increases. However, we believe that a government which believed that a price of ¢51,000 for petrol at a time when the world market price of crude was US$147 was too high, has no justification to sell the same petrol for ¢52,000 at a world market price of only US$79 a barrel. As candidate, the President promised our nation a”DRASTIC” reduction in fuel prices. It is our intention to hold the President to this promise which he made to help him win power in the 2008 election. It is for this reason that AFAG believes that the current fuel price increases are not only ludicrous, bogus and unacceptable, but also a clear aberration from the social contract the President had with the citizens of Ghana. The explanation by the Government that the recent 5% fuel price increases have been precipitated by international crude market prices is absolutely farcical and unjustifiable. Elementary arithmetic would prove that if US$147 gives a price of ¢51,000, which the President considered to be too high, then US$79 cannot give a higher price of ¢52,000, unless one is using some reverse, twisted logic. We therefore debunk the assertion that this increase is necessitated by demand pull factors linked to the rising world market price of crude, as bogus and a deliberate attempt to throw dust into the eyes of the people of Ghana. This is sheer propaganda and absolute perpetuation of falsehood. The truth is that Government is only being faced with the reality of its grandiose and deceitful campaign promises and has no option than to pass on cost to Ghanaians. It would be recalled that during the last the NPP administration when the world market price of crude climbed to the unprecedented level of US$147 a barrel, at a time when a world food crisis was also generating tension around the world, especially in Africa, the then administration took the very difficult step to freeze the ex-pump price of petrol at ¢51,000, to cushion the people from the effect of the global food crisis as well as the fuel prices. When the international prices suddenly tumbled to as low as US$44 a barrel, at a time when TOR had already bought inventory for three months' supply of fuel, Government's explanation that it needed to sell refined crude at existing prices for the existing inventory was rubbished by the NDC and its allies in the CJA. Under mounting pressure from political pressure groups and other civil society organizations, the government was forced to further reduce the ex-pump price of fuel. Inevitably, this action immediately caused TOR to accumulate significant stock losses, which is part of the now famous “TOR Debt”. The fact is therefore inescapable that though the NPP Government was able to clean up the books of TOR by repackaging and refinancing the debt with bonds, the cumulative effect of the under recoveries during the height of the of the World Market Prices and the stock losses for a three-month inventory, the NPP Government's tax waivers and reductions, interest on TOR overdraft, exchange losses resulting from the depreciation of the cedi is what has now become famously known as the “TOR Debt”. Again the NDC government's botched attempt to fulfill its campaign promise to reduce fuel prices in the first 7 weeks caused TOR to lose enormous sums of money. That reality caused the President to break his first major campaign promise by immediately reversing the 5% reduction into a 10% increase in petroleum prices in a matter of days. Government instead of apologizing to Ghanaians for their massive deceit or otherwise, keeping its campaign promise, suddenly wants Ghanaians to face the reality of competitive market forces, thereby indemnifying itself from price increases. They now want us to believe that it is the National Petroleum Authority (NPA) that is responsible for setting local fuel prices, a position they had previously rubbished. Conclusion: Ladies and Gentlemen of the media, whatever the answers to these questions might be, we believe that it is about time for the political class to elevate the political debate in our country. It should no longer be acceptable for a political Party to compile a bunch of discredited rumours into a book and call it a manifesto. It should also not be enough, for the media to tolerate false equivalences in the name of fairness and balance. It should be common practice for political parties to base their claims in campaign manifestos on well grounded research and facts, never on speculation and innuendo. As citizens of this land, we choose to exercise our right to demand from leaders who make such unrealistic promises to fulfill them. The NDC states in its manifesto under the Heading; Managing the Energy Sector: Thus, “From Energy exporter to darkness and crisis – OUR ENERGEY SECTOR MUST BE FIXED to feed industry, improve social services and give the people a Better Life. The NDC has the experts to make energy work for growth and spread prosperity”. Well then, you had your chance in the last ten months to “FIX IT” and we are in a mess. On this note AFAG wishes to invite the NDC Government, leading political parties (NPP, PNC and CPP) and other civil society groups for a debate on: “The TOR DEBT: Causes and financing A review from 1992-2009”. This would allow for a thorough cost benefit analysis of decisions behind the management of TOR and the way forward as a nation. We believe that such a debate is necessary to give politicians a great lesson from this phenomenon to stop toying with the hopes of Ghanaians and end the endless blame game over the management of TOR. Ladies and Gentlemen thank you for honoring our invitation and let's meet at the AFAG debate on energy. Continued from PAGE 3 of yesterday's issue WHAT MILLS HAS NOT DONE Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/4/2009 4:58:25 PM - Political Blogs
 Education? This is a critical sector that every government spends much nights pondering. And rightly so since we always see the sticker: IF YOU CAN READ THIS…. Education is the foundation for every kind of development. Education produces our politicians, lawyers, engineers, doctors and every contributor to national development. The eight years of the Kuffuor administration saw the most massive dose of investments into the education sector y both government through the GET Fund and and especially the private sector [universities, first and second-cycle schools and hostels etc]. I do not quite remember the promises of Mills in this direction, but he certainly must have made a lot. Be that as it may, we are yet to see what the government of Mills has initiated by way of new programmes, ideas and projects except to re-ignite the old flogged horse of whether the senior high school system should have a three-year duration as at the present, or the same old NDC suggestion of four years. The debate was lively, with some calling for the head of the old Minister of Education, Alex Tetteh Enyo. His offence? The Minister was accused of consistency, supporting the three-year plan at one forum, and the four-year system at the next. In the melee of the spirited and politicized debate, we everyone, including government, lost sight of the fact that education falling behind and hollering us for attention. The recent Basic Education examination results tell it all. It is about the very worst in more that ten years. It is perhaps in the health sector that the government really hit the ground running. If you asked me only a little over a month ago, I would have gladly nominated Dr Adja Sipa Yankey as the Minister of the Year. Like a welcome wind, he stormed the major hospitals and came out with terrible discoveries. Broken down infrastructure, wards under the pressure of in-patients, maternity buildings with broken down elevators etc. Wherever he went, he initiated corrective measures and I still like and respect the guy. But his time has been cut short by the Mabey and Johnson scandal, and we do not know what Ben Kumbuor can do. The roads and transport sector has hardly initiated any new projects, and thse inherited from Kuffuor are lagging behind time. What the Ministry has accomplished so far is supervising another disastrous accident on the Volta lake, and one of the worst eight months of road carnage. People think road accidents should not be blamed on drivers and their lack of maintenance culture alone. We should also blame it on the police who accept or insist on bribes from drivers so that they can get away with dangerous car malfunctions and technical deficiencies in their driving skills. I am inclined to believe this analysis because it appears that 95% of Ghanaian adults have seen a policeman collecting a bribe from a commercial driver before. This is a true mathematical and statistical fact. Let me digress again here with an interesting story relating to the matter under discussion. During the Kuffuor administration when Papa Owusu Ankomah was Minister of Interior, I was on a mini bus travelling to Cape Coast from Takoradi when the vehicle was stopped at the Beposo barrier by the Police. The usual scenario followed. The driver handed over his licence documents to the policeman. What followed however floored me as if I had been struck with a crowbar. The policeman opened the licence booklet and found some cedi notes neatly tucked into it. The policeman plucked the money out and gave it back to the driver, inspected the documents and handed them back to him. My amazement did not last long. The other passengers of course were as amazed as myself. Then it was explained. It had happened that a few days previously, a fairly new policeman had stopped a gentleman at the same place and had actually collected money from him. Then a colleague had harshly whispered to him. “Hey, that is the boss of the IGP! The Interior Minister!” What happened next was that the frightened recruit had dropped the money as if it was a red-hot metal and gone on his knees to beg the Minister who had reprimanded him and given the policemen a pep talk. But has the practice stopped? Currently making the rounds of Ghana among Ghanaians is the Akan word, HWAMMO. This word refers variously to ingratitude, trickery and weighs more strongly on DECEPTION. Hwammo literally refers to an act of snatching something from someone whom you have rather promised a lot of good things.. Like the issues discussed under fuel and employment above. Hwammo is not a Northern word but there is yet a strong feeling of deception in the three northern regions. This is because the north received far more campaign promises from Mr Mills of the NDC. We can safely encapsulate all the spectrum of promises to our northern kinsmen into a Kuffuor-initiated concept: Northern Savannah Development Programme. Since both the previous and in-coming NDC administration thought up a bridging between the north and south in terms of economic development, the north became the most expectant constituency in election 2008. Atta Mills won, and the north has been waiting for one year now for the good things promised to them to begin. But there has been a structural problem unrelated to economics stifling any attempt to commence action. It relates to peace being a foundation to development. There can ben o real development in a situation of dangerous civil unrest and armed confrontation with several dead already. The Mills administration inherited a 52-year old Dagbon crisis at a time when the crisis was in total dormancy awaiting the final steps towards resolution. It appears, however that as soon as the NDc and Mills were investitured, they went back to the ancient system of stoking the fire. And fires have the preponderance of spreading to other areas far from where the fire started. So Bawku and its environs have been in fratricidal fights whose peace-keeping has cost the Ghanaian taxpayer more than the cost of developing on of our ten regions into a middle income status, or building three new universities. What I find most harrowing is that for the lack og a government-led peace building initiatives, the people of Bawku have been living under curfew for the whole year that Mills has been in power as the President of Ghana. I indeed nearly fainted from confusion when when at one time the people of Bawku were placed under a 1 pm-10 am curfew. This curfew meant that the people of Bawku had to stay indoors for 21 hours of every 24-hour day! Such things have happened before, but not in Africa. They happen in places like Chechen, Somalia and Iraq. The NDC is not making efforts at peace building, so how can this al-important northern development programme going to begin? Perhaps the most important promise that Mills made in his campaign and manifesto relates to the curbing of corruption which the NDC campaign smeared Kuffuor and the NPP with. Like cocaine, it now appears that corruption has no party colours, the NDC will now admit. It took several months into the Kuffuor presidency before Minister had to be fired for the highly suspicious loss of a few hundred thousand dollars meant for the senior national team for which the young Minister of Sports had to take the blame. In the case of Mills, it took only a few weeks for his also very young Minister to entangle his legs in a complex network of corruption stringing from the Ivory Coast to Germany. Then as if that was not enough, the Mabey and Johnson scandal hit the fan and spread the dirt on the government of the NDC form 1997 to surface in 2009 for which a good number of ministerial and ambassadorial heads have rolled. Corruption has dogged the Mills government in a most incriminating manner. So who is corrupt? And who is more corrupt? Finally, let us look at the crime front. Mills promised firmly that he would bring armed robbery to book. Despite the efforts of the police and the great interventions of brave Rose Atinga Bio and her other regional counterparts, the robbers are becoming more and more brazen. Mills promised to root out the cocaine trafficking to and through Ghana. Indeed, the NDC even succeeded in tagging the NPP with cocaine, and cocaine became a hot campaign issue. Then after the change of government, the cocaine still continued flowing into and through Ghana. That was when the highly-regarded henchwoman of Mills, Ama Benyiwa Doe admitted that cocaine has no political clours! Then the new administration brazenly freed cocaine barons tried and convicted on evidence by competent Ghanaian courts!.What should Ghanaians expect next? The NDC has also smeared itself with cocaine as it did to the NPP. The most inexplicable thing that Mills has done in recent days is that after recalling Kofi Boakye to the Police Service, government announced that the great crime combatant and drug baron basher would be investigated by a committee. Committees is what has made the government of Mills inefficient. We cannot count how many committees of investigation this government has set up, but they number an unreasonable lot. We should not forget that committee members have critical jobs to attend to wherever they were called from. And as if to add insult to injury, a committee was set up by Mills to investigate he sale of government shares in Ghana Telecom to Vodacom. The circumstances leading to the setting up of this committee was such that Kuffuor and the NPP which did the deal were to be found guilty. The committee submitted the desired results and suddenly the Mills government developed cold feet and immediately distanced itself from the report after going through it. The Communications minister was therefore left with a crying report in his hands, not knowing where to take it to. Every detailed expression of opinion must have a logical ending point. But there is a lot more that can be discussed on what President Mills has not done except that space is precious in a newspaper and one must end somewhere for the next man to begin another. I can only wish Ghanaians a modestly good Christmas so that we can silently enter 2010. And let us all hope that 2010 will bring better tidings for Ghana. Poverty, its effects and eradication in Ghana Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/4/2009 4:58:25 PM - News Blogs
 Poverty in Ghana The level of world economic crises is a great factor with poverty. The frequent increase in the prices of items and commodities makes people with fixed incomes unable to face the economy. The MDG's report indicates that the number of people living in poverty globally in 2009 is expected to be 55 million to 90 million higher than predicted before the global economic crisis. One of the most important world's assets, which is energy/ crude oil, whenever increased affects the standard of living of people, as it affects the prices of goods and services. For those who live in poverty, they turn to wallow in extreme poverty, and people with a normal standard of living, find it hard to manage their expenses. In Ghana, the increase in the price of crude oil brings down the value of the incomes of the people, while transportation fares, food, utility bills and even health and educational bills increase. If only people's wages and salaries would be increased when prices of crude oil increases, it would mitigate the effects of the hardships associated with such situations. Apart from energy crises which also generate poverty, the high rate of unemployment contributes a lot to poverty, as the majority of the youth always graduate from school without jobs. Some stay at home for so long that they give up on their job hunting process, and concentrate on menial occupations, which is way below their qualification, or outside their profession. The pathetic thing is that sometimes, their frustration in the search for job compels them to migrate either within the country or outside, which when not fortunate leads them into extreme poverty. That is when they migrate to a different place for greener pastures, and basically since they lack employment, accommodation and without anyone to lean on, they easily fall into poverty when things don't work right. Those who migrate to the capital city, tend to live on the streets, with the men turning into armed robbers and burglars, and the young girls into prostitutes, ending up in most cases with teenage pregnancy as their burden. Poverty and gender inequality in education Gender disparity is a great contributing factor when it comes to the issue of poverty. Whereas many nations are trying their best to eradicate the issue of gender inequality, some nations concentrate on power sharing, as they deem it more important, than giving women a mouthpiece to speak for themselves and the nation as a whole. Gender disparity is evident in the primary and secondary levels of education in some parts of the world, as boys always tend to outnumber girls, and even though some countries in the world are on the verge of closing up that gap in education, other still lag behind. According to the MDG report, in 2007 only 53 of the 171 countries with available data had achieved gender disparities in both primary and secondary education. However, the higher level of education takes a different turn in the case of gender inequality, as more women in the developed region tend to enroll more into tertiary institutions than men. The report of the MDG indicates that the ratio of the girls to boys enrollment at the tertiary level worldwide, rose from 96 in 1999 to 108 in 2007, which shows signs of closing the gap of gender inequality. However, in as much as gender disparity in education is gradually falling, as not all girls get the opportunity of being educated, especially those from rural and poor communities' and households. The traditional notion that girls are better off in marriage, the kitchen and child-bearing, makes many parents turn their concentration to the education of boys rather than girls. This kind of gender disparity, coupled with poverty, always renders parents not being able to take care of the educational charges of their female children. Parents prefer to use their little income on the education of boys, and rather give the girl-child off to marriage, sometimes with the notion of getting a bride price to pay the boys' fees in school. As if disparity in education is not enough, women tend to face low employment accessibilities, and those with a good educational background, who have the chance of being employed, rarely get the opportunity, while those who get the opportunity are rarely promoted due to their gender. Women, who do not have any educational background, either end up trading or get engaged in agriculture activity. In sub-Saharan Africa, women are barely recognised in issues that are non-agriculture. About 64% are mainly employed in the agriculture sector. The low employment level of women gives poverty a stronghold in the household of women, as they do not get enough income to support themselves and their families, especially when they tend to be single parents or the man is unemployed. Poverty and maternal mortality The high level of poverty among women go to the extent of generating maternal mortality as going for antenatal care always tends to be a problem. Every now and then women die during child birth all in the name of poverty. According to MDG's report maternal mortality is among the health indicators that shows the greatest gap between the rich and the poor. Developed regions report nine maternal deaths per 100,000 live births compared to 450 maternal deaths in the developing region, where 14 countries have maternal mortality ratios of at least 1,000 per 100,000 live births. Half of all maternal death occurs in sub-Saharan regions Africa and another third in southern Asia. The world most times forgets that for poverty to be eradicated completely, women are the main pivot to stand on to fight against poverty. Women are most times the least of most government's priority but if governments should turn a bit of their attention in the progress of women then poverty will be on its way to eradication. In Ghana it is a god thing that the government has given attention to pregnant women to the extent that every pregnant woman has the right to free maternal care in order to her to have a safe delivery. Ghana's fight against poverty Campaign of poverty eradication in Ghana has been a day to day activity. The campaign which is dubbed stand up take action end poverty now is meant for the MDG, it is expected that by the year 2015 poverty be entirely eradicated from the country. The MDG have taken the pains to campaign in many part of the country to create awareness and to educate people as to how they can help themselves from fleeing from the glimpse of poverty. According to the Programme Officer of the MDG Secretariat of the Christian Council of Ghana (CCG), Ms Kyere Akua Assamoash, the MDG's campaign against poverty has been able to involve the youth in its eradication. She said there are about 4,065,972 youth, drawn from the educational institutions, and this, according to her, shows the readiness of the youth to help fight against poverty for their future. The step to end poverty through maternal mortality, has in a way been tackled by the provision of free maternal care, this action of the government to help bridge the gap between the poor and the rich, will go a long way, if government is able to provide the right medical facilities, and the right medical personnel to people in the rural areas. What is expected of government? Governments come in and go out with the same promises of making the poor have a good standard of living, but end up making the poor, even poorer by the time they leave power. According to the MDGs policy demand, the government is in a better position to eradicate poverty if it implements the agriculture development investment fund, create an enabling environment for the local industries to strive, establish a special fund to support locally manufactured products, and as well provide subsidies for agro inputs. In terms of education, the government should invest in primary educational facilities, especially in the rural areas, and establish a special fund to support teachers who will be posted to deprived communities. The government ought to try its best to improve maternal healthcare, invest more than 78% of health budget in hospitals and health institutions, streamline traditional birth attendants (TBAs) into the health delivery system, and as well prioritise the need to factor deprived communities in infrastructure development. Environmentally, the government must develop an environmental policy that will engage citizens' efforts on sanitation, review and enforce sanitation by-laws, and develop a national vegetation policy that will seek to engage citizens in preserving the vegetation. If the government will use aids effectively, not bow to development partners' unfair conditions, make trade fairs and not sign the EPA in its current form, poverty in Ghana will go a long way to being reduced. Conclusion The campaign of the MDG to help end poverty has been long over due, as it has been advertised almost all over the country, to make awareness about the fast widespread of poverty in the Ghana and the world, and the need to stand firm to prevent it. It is now the turn of the government to show concrete evidence of trying to end poverty, and avoid the daily theory to end poverty which never comes to reality. If the government world start the elimination of poverty at the district level effectively, its impact will be beneficial to the nation as a whole. What Mills has not done Ghanaian Chronicle on 11/3/2009 6:51:24 PM - Political Blogs
What has Mills been able to accomplish since he was ushered into the presidency? The approach to answering this question is as confusing as one can imagine for an assignment that should otherwise be a straight-forward matter. This is because eight months into the Atta Mills Presidency, we began receiving mixed signals from various arms of the same government. Whereas a good number of his ministers went about asking for more time and more patience, those from the same government’s Public Relations office were giving Ghanaians were giving Ghanaians the strong word that the first eight months had been most successful without the exemplification of actual, done projects and deeds. The confusion was compounded and robbed of objectivity when the President himself marked his own homework and gave himself the high marks of 80%. Which side were we to believe? The answer came from the President himself when he joined his so-called Team B at the information ministry to say that the mess that he inherited was so much the he needed more tme to prove himself. This from a man who came on the popular ticket of Mr Fixitall. Trying to assess and evaluate what the Mills Presidency has been able to do therefore becomes as complex and confusing as learning to use a slide rule. Remember the slide rule that we were using before calculators reached Africa? We always came up with different answers to the same calculus. Yet, assess the NDC we must, because 2010 is coming soon, like the inevitable second coming of Jesus the Christ. So let us start from the logical starting point of campaign promises. Atta Mills made a lot of promises and pledges. Number one was: WE SHALL REDUCE THE PRICES OF FUEL DRASTICALLY. As a teacher of English, I know that drastic has a strong meaning. This huge promise won the NDC a lot of votes. The GPRTU as a colossal constituency of commercial transporters immediately jumped on the Mills campaign bandwagon and sang their songs in expectation of fuel price reductions and voted for the NDC. What happened next is known to you. Instead of the drastic reduction [drastic means HUGE in this context] we rather received a DRASTIC 30% INCREASE to which 5% has just been added! The result has become the new national anthem: EWIASE AYE DEN! LIFE HAS BECOME DRASTICALLY HARD in Ghana. Just last week the students of the University of Ghana in Accra were stopped only at the last minute by the Legon Police before they marched into Accra central with placards on the same subject. As if that was not enough, Mills sat down in the Castle until all our petrol and gas oil pumps had dried up before he and his henchmen realized that there was a serious national shortage. I think the current fuel crisis in Ghana is the most severe evidence of government incompetence. When some of us sat to discuss he economics of fuel shortages, we started with the coincidence that the very last time Ghanaians queued up for days for fuel was in 1997-99, another period of NDC rule. Economics is a social science that discusses demand for goods and services, supply of the same, and prices determination among other things. Some things like salt, water, food and fuel are characterized by INELSATIC DEMAND. Whenever you put them on the market, they will be bought because they have no alternatives and are indispensable basic necessities. Whatever their price levels, people have no choice but to buy them. So why sit down and let supplies run out to make life difficult for the people? I would defend the Mills government here that it was not deliberately planned that hydrocarbon fuels for the economy should be allowed to run out to make Ghanaians suffer. No. If that is the case, then the reason behind the fuel shortages that we are experiencing is misrule, incompetence and ineptitude of the NDC government. Someone should consult former president Kuffuor to find out how he managed to keep petroleum pumps flowing for eight continuous years. I think he will give a one word answer, STRATEGY, which the Mills administration seems to lack. Back to the Mills campaign promises. The President promised to bring inflation down to ease the economic burden of Ghanaians. This was a most important promise because it bears a direct correlation to our quality of life and standards of living. Without belabouring the issue of whether Mills honoured his promise or not, I would only state that we are all living witnesses of whether or not the NDC did or did not deliver on this promise. Rather than using macro and micro-economic interventions to keep cedi tagging in twin-fashion to the dollar, the dollar was allowed to run away leaving our cedi behind and poorer. What one cedi could buy in January of this year, it can now buy just 55% of it. Besides the fuel price increases as a contributory factor, how did this happen? The pledge and its necessary actions were forgotten because even Ministers left their offices and went about chasing Chryslers, Jaguars and Audis before they could sit to consider the problems and priorities of Ghana’s economy. Ask Fiifi Kwertey if I am lying. Now the cedi is lying on the operating table, panting for life without any good doctor o nurse in evidence. I do not envy Dr Kwabena Duffuor at all. Another mouth-watering campaign promise of Professor Mills related to a matter that immediately got the youth of Ghana ecstatically joining the NDC election bandwagon. The yuth are our future, and President Mills caught their votes by borrowing a word from Dr Paa Kwesi Ndoum of the CPP, JOBS, JOBS and JOBS. Who would not like to be respectably employed. Nobody likes to be unemployed and idle. I wish to digress a little and state here that recently in South Africa, someone quietly observed to me that our former President Kuffuor is still a very busy man internationally and asked me what former President Rawlings is doing. I responded that I honestly did not know. Which surprised my questioner. Then he leered at me by insisting JJ might be idle and bored and may the devil not find a job for his hands. Whether or not JJ is idle and bored is not my beans here. My beef is that Mills promised jobs, won the election on that ticket and than almost immediately did an about-turn and dramatically stated that FOR THE NEXT TWO YEARS, THERE WILL BE NO PUBLIC SECTOR EMPLOYMENT. This announcement took Ghanaians aback, and as a parent with children in tertiary institutions, I thought it was a most careless and demoralizing piece of information for the government to give out. It demoralized the youth, our resource for the future. It actually meant to our youth: YOU ARE LEARNING BOOKS FOR NOTHING.. And it shows because graduate unemployment has become a huge challenge to Ghana, while we keep on producing and counting unemployed graduates. A most harrowing action of Mills and his government was the sacking of National Youth Employees in their tens of thousands and replacing them with the same number from his political camp. This is a real case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. Period. Indeed, one easy way of knowing what Mills has done or not done is to consider one Ministry to the next and make a conscious objective effort at not giving a dog a bad name just for the pleasure of hanging it. So let us start from somewhere like agriculture our food and export basket. What Mills did not promise to farmers, he has done it by increasing the price of cocoa, and I think the farmers are quite happy. But why do we still receive reports that cocoa farmers in the Volta and Western regions are carting cocoa beans across the borders into Togo and Ivory Coast when just six years ago the opposite was the case? Awhoi has also done well by placing special subsidies on agricultural inputs such as seedlings and fertilizer. But how come that there is a public outcry that tractors brought in by the previous administration have been mis-distributed with accusing fingers pointing to the Presidential Spokesperson Ayariga? He is accused of having acquired wrongly more tractors than he would need, especially when the young man is not a farmer and has never wielded a hoe? We count fishermen under agriculture. Fishing communities who voted for Mills from across four coastal regions are now wringing their hands in consternation. August is the period for bumper fish harvests when fishermen make their money for the rest of the year. By Patronen Kofi Oti, Socio-Economic and Political Analyst [findme57@rocketmail.com] |
